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² Tolan, J. V., ‘Reading God's will in the stars: Petrus Alfonsi and Raymond de Marseille defend the new Arabic astrology’, Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval vii (2000), 13–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Burnett, C. (ed.), Adelard of Bath: an English scientist and Arabist of the early twelfth century, London 1987Google Scholar; Clark, C. W., ‘A Christian defense of astrology in the twelfth century: the Liber cursuum planetarum of Raymond of Marseilles’, International Social Science Review lxx (1995), 93–102Google Scholar; Boudet, J.-P., Entre Science et nigromance: astrologie, divination et magie dans l'occident médiéval, Paris 2006, 68–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A century ago Haskins identified key English Arabists of the period: Walcher of Malvern, Peter Alfonsi, Adelard of Bath, Robert of Chester, Roger of Hereford, Daniel of Morley and Alexander Neckham: Haskins, C. H., ‘The reception of Arabic science in England’, EHR xxx (1915), 56–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Beaujouan, G., ‘The transformation of the quadrivium’, in Benson, R. L., Constable, G. and Lanham, C. D. (eds), Renaissance and renewal in the twelfth century, Oxford 1982, 471–2, 480Google Scholar; Ma‘šar, Abū, The abbreviation of the introduction to astrology together with the medieval Latin translation of Adelard of Bath, ed. Burnett, C., Yamamoto, K. and Yano, M., Leiden 1994Google Scholar; Boudet, Entre Science et nigromance, 44–52.

⁴ Throughout this essay, by astrology I mean – as Bartholomew did – ‘judicial astrology’, that is, the prognostication of events including those contingent on human will. In the twelfth century the meaning of ‘astrologia’ and similar terms was inconsistent: C. Burnett, ‘Astrology’, and Grant, E., ‘Astronomy, cosmology and cosmography’, in Mantello, F. A. C. and Rigg, A. G. (eds), Medieval Latin: an introduction and bibliographical guide, Washington, DC 1996, 369–78Google Scholar, 363–8.

⁵ d'Alverny, M.-T., ‘Abélard et l'astrologie’, in Louis, R., Jolivet, J. and Châtillon, J. (eds), Pierre Abélard et Pierre le Vénérable: les courants philosophiques, littéraires et artistiques en occident au milieu du XIIe siècle, Paris 1975, 611–30Google Scholar; Boudet, Entre Science et nigromance, 210–12.

⁶ ‘Astrologia uero partim naturalis, partim superstitiosa est’: Isidore of Seville, Isidori Hispalensis episcopi etymologiarum sive originum, i, ed. W. M. Lindsay, Oxford 1911, iii, xxvii, p. 45; cf. Hugh of St Victor, Didascalicon, de studio legendi, ed. Buttimer, C. H., Washington, DC 1939, ii, x, p. 133Google Scholar.

⁷ Boudet, Entre Science et nigromance, 239–80; Zambelli, P., The Speculum astronomiae and its enigma: astrology, theology and science in Albertus Magnus and his contemporaries, Dordrecht 1991, 45–102Google Scholar.

⁸ Boudet, Entre Science et nigromance, 235. Peters, E., The magician, the witch, and the law, Philadelphia, Pa 1978, 85–90Google Scholar.

⁹ Watkins, C., History and the supernatural in medieval England, Cambridge 2007, 153–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Boudet, Entre Science et nigromance, 89–96; Seit, S., ‘Die Kunst, die Wahrheit in den Sternen zu lessen: Astrologie, Divination und die “ars coniectoris” bei Johannes von Salisbury’, in Wieland, G. and Dietl, C. (eds), Ars und scientia im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit: Ergebnisse interdisziplinärer Forschung, Georg Wieland zum 65 Geburtstag, Tübingen 2002, 77–96Google Scholar.

¹¹ Morey, A., Bartholomew of Exeter, bishop and canonist: a study in the twelfth century, Cambridge 1937, 4Google Scholar.

¹² The treatise was dedicated to Baldwin of Ford as bishop of Worcester, a position he held between 1180 and 1184: CFE, p. xx.

¹³ The epistola commendativa survives in two of the manuscripts: Corpus Christi College, Oxford, ms 360, fos 3r–61r, and Lincoln College, Oxford, ms 96, fos 1r–37r: CFE, p. xxiii.

¹⁴ ‘Quod tunc plenius aduertere cepi cum regimen animarum, quamuis indignus, Dei tamen miseratione et ordinatione suscepi’: CFE, epistola commendativa, ii, p. 11.

¹⁵ ‘Cum que in lumen et consolationem suscepte que sollicitudinis partem, te michi Deus comitem indiuiduum ad tempus comodasset, te pre ceteris specialiter exhortante, cepi contra predictum errorem instanter et publice predicare’: ibid.

¹⁶ Bodl. Lib., ms Bodley 449, fos 1r–90v. Bartholomew happily acknowledges that Christ's nativity ‘reuelata est per stellam regibus’: fo. 14r.

¹⁷ Morey, Bartholomew, 273. The penitential is generally dated to 1155–70: Meens, B., Penance in medieval Europe, 600–1200, Cambridge 2014, 205CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Bartholomew's use of Gratian, which is not known to have circulated in England as early as the 1150s, supports the view that the penitential was the product of his episcopal tenure.

¹⁸ CFE, epistola commendativa, ii, p. 11.

¹⁹ BL, ms Add. 15971, fo. 1v.

²⁰ Morey, Bartholomew, 108; CFE, p. xxxi.

²¹ CFE, p. xxxi.

²² CFE, pp. xxviii–ix.

²³ ‘Conabor sub quanta res sinit et potero breuitate colligere, ut fidelibus qui sacrarum super hoc scripturarum copiam uel memoriam habere non possunt, facile sit hic inuenire’: CFE i, ii, p. 12.

²⁴ R. H. Rouse and M. A. Rouse, ‘Statim invenire: schools, preachers, and new attitudes to the page’, in Benson, Constable and Lanham, Renaissance and renewal, 203.

²⁵ Lombard, Peter, Magistri Petri Lombardi Parisiensis episcopi sententiae in IV libris distinctae, i, ed. Brady, I., Grottaferrata 1971, 3–4Google Scholar; Rouse and Rouse, ‘Statim invenire’, 206.

²⁶ Morey, Bartholomew, 172.

²⁷ These auctoritates were identified by D. N. Bell. This reference and the four following, indicating the passages from which Bartholomew excerpted material, are taken from Bell's edition: CFE ii–xv, pp. 13–20; Eustathius, Ancienne Version latine des neuf homélies sur l'Hexaéméron de Basile de Césarée, ed. E. A. de Mendieta and S. Y. Rudberg, Berlin 1958, vi, iv–vii, pp. 74–80.

²⁸ CFE xvi, pp. 20–1; Ambrose of Milan, Hexameron, De paradiso, De Cain, De Noe, De Abraham, De Isaac, De bono mortis, ed. C. Schenkl, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum xxxii, i, 1896, iv, iv, pp. 118–26.

²⁹ CFE xvii–xxi, pp. 21–8; Augustine of Hippo, De civitate dei, libri I–X, ed. B. Dombart and A. Kalb, CCSL xlvii, 1955, v, i–x, pp. 128–41.

³⁰ CFE xxii–xxix, pp. 29–35; Anselm of Canterbury, Sancti Anselmi opera omnia, vol. II, ed. F. S. Schmitt, Edinburgh 1938, i, i–v, pp. 245–55.

³¹ CFE xxix–xxxvii, pp. 35–43; Boethius, Philiosophiae consolatio, ed. L. Bieler, CCSL xciv, 1984, v, iii, iv–v, vi, xliii, pp, 93–106.

³² CFE xxxviii–xli, pp. 43–9.

³³ Ambrose of Milan, Hexameron, paradise, and Cain and Abel, trans. John J. Savage, New York 1961, p. vi.

³⁴ ‘Hec Basilius, quibus beatus Ambrosius contra eundem errorem preterquam in paucis ita concorditer agit, ut unum seriatim legisse post alterum pene superfluum uideatur': CFE xvi, i, p. 20.

³⁵ Both Hexamerons were apparently held at Reading Abbey in 1192, and at Ramsey Abbey and the Augustinian Friary at York in the fourteenth century: Sharpe, R., Carley, J. P., Thomson, R. M. and Watson, A. G. (eds), English Benedictine libraries: the shorter catalogues, London 1996, 382–3Google Scholar, 428, 435; Humphreys, K. W. (ed.), The friars' libraries, London 1990, 22Google Scholar.

³⁶ ‘Seuerinus uero Boetius circa finem Consolationis Philosophice eandem de prouidentia questionem paucis intermissis quantum ad necessarium sententiarum summam, nisi fallor, opponendo atque soluendo per dialogum tractat hoc modo’: CFE xxix, vi, p. 35.

³⁷ CFE xix, i–ii, pp. 24–5.

³⁸ ‘Hec ratio solutio potius est quam probatio’: CFE xxii, iv, p. 29.

³⁹ ‘In primis tamen contra eos qui per signorum et astrorum constitutionem et potestatem hanc heresim conantur astruere, duxi esse dicendum, tum quia contra alios diutius et laboriosius est intendendum, tum quia contra hos a sanctis patribus sufficienter non modo dictum, sed et scriptum esse reperio, qui signorum celestium nec omnimodam, nec nullam admittendam, iudicant obseruationem, quia in plerisque catholice fidei contraria, et incomprehensibilis est et uana': CFE ii, i, pp. 12–13.

⁴⁰ ‘Beatus uero Augustinus contra eandem heresim tam prudenter et peremptorie disputat, ut sufficienter intellegentibus quod dicit sufficere debeat': CFE xvii, i, pp. 21–2.

⁴¹ Baldwin, J., The scholastic culture of the Middle Ages, 1000–1300, Lexington 1971, 80–4Google Scholar; W. Otten, ‘Authority and identity in the transition from monastic to scholastic theology’, and Colish, M. L., ‘Authority and interpretation in scholastic theology’, in Frishman, J., Otten, W. and Rouwhorst, G. A. M. (eds), Religious identity and the problem of historical foundation: the foundational character of authoritative sources in the history of Christianity and Judaism, Leiden 2004, 349–68Google Scholar, 369–86.

⁴² CFE xli, i, p. 49; CFE, p. xxxii.

⁴³ For David Bell's description of this section see CFE, pp. xxxii–xxxv.

⁴⁴ ‘sophisticas obiectiones’: CFE ciii, i, p. 105. This section of the treatise is CFE xlii–cii, pp. 49–105.

⁴⁵ CFE civ–clxxiv, pp. 106–66.

⁴⁶ ‘In quo nichil michi asscribendum censeo, nec ascribo, nisi catholicorum doctorum sententias multa diligentia conquisisse, sed maiore studio iuxta questionum uarietates locis congruentibus adaptasse': CFE, epistola commendativa, iii, p. 11.

⁴⁷ ‘si quid inueneris sacre fidei uel bonis moribus aliquatenus aduersum, aut non manifeste uerum, aut non irrefragabili ratione probatum, aut non saltem certa auctoritate subnixum, totum deleas': CFE, epistola commendativa, iv, p. 11.

⁴⁸ Abelard, Peter, Opera theologica, V: Expositio in hexameron, Abbreviatio Petri Abaelardi expositionis in hexameron, ed. Romig, M., Luscombe, D. E. and Burnett, C., CCCM xv, 2004, cciii, pp. 49–50Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Grosseteste, Robert, Hexaemeron, ed. Dales, R. C. and Gieben, S., Oxford 1982, v, viii–xi, pp. 164–70Google Scholar; Peters, The magician, 85.

⁵⁰ Eustathius, L'Hexaéméron de Basile, vi, v, pp. 76–7; CFE ix–xi, pp. 15–17.

⁵¹ Eustathius, L'Hexaéméron de Basile, vi, vi, p. 78; CFE xii, p.17.

⁵² ‘Ecce Augustini et Anselmi et Boetii solutiones': CFE xxxvii, vii, p. 43.

⁵³ Astrology is not discussed directly after chapter xxi, with two brief exceptions: CFE lviii, iv, p. 65; lx, i–ii, p. 68.

⁵⁴ ‘Qui, quamuis uarias pretendant facies, in hac tamen una scorpionis cauda conueniunt, ut nichil libero hominum arbitrio, immo nec ipsum liberum relinquatur arbitrium; et sic omnem peccandi causam sacrilega excusatione sui, in salutis auctorem retorquere presumunt’: CFE i, i, p. 12.

⁵⁵ ‘Plerique declinantes corda in uerba malicie ad excusandas excusationes in peccatis, omnium que fiunt seu quoquomodo eueniunt, fatalem uel alias ineuitabilem necessitatem conantur astruere': ibid.

⁵⁶ Augustine, De civitate dei, v, i, p. 191. In De civitate dei, Augustine presented a more nuanced version of his earlier insistence on free will in his anti-Manichean polemic: Augustine, Four anti-Pelagian writings, ed. J. A. Mourant and W. J. Collinge, Washington, DC 1992, 10–11. Bartholomew's use of De civitate dei rather than De libero arbitrio is simply explained by Augustine's treatment of astrology in the former: Karfíková, L., Grace and the will according to Augustine, trans. Janebová, M., Leiden 2012, 267–9, 272CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ ‘Denique docet quod si uera est mathematicorum opinio, nec iustis premia, nec iniustis supplicia iure deberi, omnemque hominum industriam et laborem superfluum estimandum’: CFE xvi, iv, p. 21.

⁵⁸ ‘Diuini dicti sunt, quasi Deo pleni’: Morey, Bartholomew, 271.

⁵⁹ ‘Necessitatis uero causam, alii diuine prouidentie immutabilitatem et infallibilitatem, alii siderum positionem seu constellationem, quam et fatum appellant, esse contendunt’: CFE i, i, 12.

⁶⁰ Augustine, De civitate dei, v, ix, p. 207.

⁶¹ CFE i, i, p. 12; ii, i, p. 12; xvii, i, p. 21; xxii, p. 29. Of course, astrology had long been associated with heresy: Hegedus, T., Early Christianity and ancient astrology, Bern 2007, 146–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶² ‘Inter zizania que post patris familias semen bonum inimicus homo cum dormirent homines superseminasse perhibetur, nichil, arbitror, terre firmius choaluisse, nichil perniciosius exuberasse, quam fatalitatis errorem’: CFE, epistola commendativa, ii, p. 11; cf. Matthew xiii.24–30.

⁶³ Moore, R. I., The birth of popular heresy, London 1975, 23Google Scholar; Lambert, M., Medieval heresy: popular movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, 2nd edn, Oxford 1992, 92Google Scholar; Deane, J. K., A history of medieval heresy and inquisition, Lanham 2011, 51Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ ‘Hos tamquam hereticos post unam et secundam correptionem, secundum apostolum credimus esse uitandos’: CFE i, i, p. 12; cf. Titus iii.10.

⁶⁵ ‘Si quis ariolos, aruspices uel incantatores obseruauerit, aut philacteriis usus fuerit, anathema sit’: Morey, Bartholomew, 272.

⁶⁶ ‘Si quis episcopus aut presbiter, siue diaconus uel quilibet ex ordine clericorum, magos aut aruspices aut ariolos, aut certe augures uel sortilegos, aut eos qui profitentur artem magicam aut aliquos eorum similia exercentes consuluisse fuerit deprehensus, ab honore dignitatis sue depositus, monasterium ingressus ibique perpetue penitentie deditus, scelus admissi sacrilegii luat’: ibid. Similar lists of condemned kinds of divination are seen in earlier penitentials: Filotas, B., Pagan survivals, superstitions and popular cultures in early medieval pastoral literature, Toronto 2005, 223–5Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Morey, Bartholomew, 260–1, 287–8.

⁶⁸ Ibid. 260, 271–3.

⁶⁹ ‘eorum non solum collationes sed et colloquia uniuersa declinare debemus, scientes quia corrumpunt bonos mores colloquia praua, et qui tetigerit picem inquinabitur ab ea’: Bodl. Lib., ms Bodley 482, fo. 1va; cf. Dahan, G., La Polémique chrétienne contre le judaïsme au moyen âge, Paris 1991, 81Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ ms Bodley 482; Smalley, B., The study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn, Oxford 1984, 170–1Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Biller, P., ‘William of Newburgh and the Cathar mission to England’, in Wood, D. (ed.), Life and thought in the Northern Church, c. 1100–c.1700: essays in honour of Claire Cross (Studies in Church History: Subsidia xii, 1999), 11–30Google Scholar.

⁷² Foliot, Gilbert, The letters and charters of Gilbert Foliot, ed. Morey, A. and Brooke, C. N. L., Cambridge 1965, 209–10Google Scholar.

⁷³ This was suggested by R. I. Moore, but contested by Peter Biller: Moore, R. I., ‘Heresy as disease’, in Lordaux, W. and Verhelst, D. (eds), The concept of heresy in the Middle Ages, Leuven 1976, 1, 11Google Scholar; Biller, ‘William of Newburgh and the Cathar mission to England’, 28.

⁷⁴ Gillingham, J., ‘Events and opinions: Norman and English views of Aquitaine, c. 1152–c. 1204’, in Bull, M. G. and Léglu, C. (eds), The world of Eleanor of Aquitaine: literature and society in southern France, Woodbridge 2005, 73–5Google Scholar; Vincent, N., ‘England and the Albigensian Crusade’, in Weiler, B. K. U. and Rowlands, I. W. (eds), England and Europe in the reign of Henry III (1216–1272), Aldershot 2002, 67–70Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Gesta regis Henrici secundi Benedicti Abbatis, i, ed. W. Stubbs (Rolls Series il, 1867), 198–206; Lateran III, c. 27.

⁷⁶ On the distinction between two kinds of heresy see Fichtenau, H., Heretics and scholars in the High Middle Ages, 1000–1200, trans. Kaier, D. A., University Park, Pa 1998, 1–8Google Scholar; G. Verbeke, ‘Philosophy and heresy: some conflicts between reason and faith’, in Lordaux and Verhelst, The concept of heresy, 173, 179–80.

⁷⁷ On the association between magic and heresy see Peters, The magician, 46.

⁷⁸ For a summary of the ‘scientific’ justifications of astrology see North, J. D., ‘Medieval concepts of celestial influence: a survey’, in Curry, P. (ed.), Astrology, science, and society: historical essays, Woodbridge 1987, 5–18Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Burnett, Introduction of Arabic learning, 2–16.

⁸⁰ Daniel of Morley, ‘Philosophia’, ed. G. Maurach, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch xiv (1979), 212.

⁸¹ CFE, epistola commendativa, iii, p. 11.

⁸² Corpus Christi College, Oxford, ms 243, fo. 112r, cited and translated in Tolan, ‘Reading God's will in the stars’, 27; cf. Luke xxi.25.

⁸³ Boudet, Entre Science et nigromance, 205–7.

⁸⁴ Abelard, Hexameron, vi, clxvi–ccviii, pp. 42–52; Grosseteste, Hexaemeron, v, viii, p. 166; cf. Genesis i.14.

⁸⁵ ‘O rex siderei quo constat machina celi’: Geoffrey of Monmouth, Vita Merlini, ed. B. Clarke, Cardiff 1973, 114.

⁸⁶ ‘Nichil enim aliud planetae nisi quod Deus preuiderit aut predestinauerit significant’: Clark, ‘A Christian defense of astrology’, 98, 102.

⁸⁷ N. Whyte, ‘Roger of Hereford's Liber de astronomice iudicandi: a twelfth-century astrologer's manual’, unpubl. MPhil diss., Cambridge 1991, 17.

⁸⁸ ‘Qui uero eorum modestissimi sunt nec sideribus rerum pollicentur effectus nec eas necessitati lege dispositionis astringunt, sed quia uenture sunt certisque prenuntiantur indiciis, predicere non uerentur': John of Salisbury, Policraticus, I–IV, ed. K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, CCCM cxviii, 1993, ii, xxiv, p. 137.

⁸⁹ Clark, ‘A Christian defense of astrology’, 95.

⁹⁰ Abelard, Hexameron, vi, cxcii, p. 47; d'Alverny, ‘Abélard et l'astrologie’, 613.

⁹¹ ‘Hanc si quis sibi priuatam facere posset, non modo presentem rerum inferiorum statum, uerum etiam preteritum uel futurum non diffiteretur. Superiora quippe illa diuinaque animalia inferiorum naturarum et principium et cause sunt’: Adelard of Bath, Conversations with his nephew: on the same and the different, questions on natural science, and on birds, ed. C. Burnett, Cambridge 1988, 69.

⁹² CFE, epistola commendativa, iii, p. 11.

⁹³ ‘non solum laici, sed et plerique literati': ibid.

⁹⁴ Moore, R. I., The formation of a persecuting society: authority and deviance in Western Europe, 950–1260, 2nd edn, Oxford 2007, 131CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹⁸ Whyte, ‘Roger of Hereford's Liber de astronomice iudicandi’, 25–9.

⁹⁹ Ibid. 8–9.

¹⁰⁰ Callataÿ, G. de, ‘La Grande Conjonction de 1186’, in Draelants, I., Tihon, A. and van den Abeele, B. (eds), Occident et proche-orient: contacts scientifiques au temps des croisades, Turnhout 2000, 369–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bell, D. N., ‘Twelfth-century divination and a passage in the De commendatione fidei of Baldwin of Forde’, Cȋteaux xliv (1993), 237–52Google Scholar.

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¹⁰² BL, ms Royal 2 D.xxxii, fos 156r, 163r.

¹⁰³ Silverstein, T., ‘Daniel of Morley, English cosmogonist and student of Arabic science’, Mediaeval Studies x (1948), 179–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Richardson, H. G., ‘The schools of Northampton in the twelfth century’, EHR lvi (1941), 595–605CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Burnett, Introduction of Arabic learning, 62.

¹⁰⁵ Boudet, Entre Science et nigromance, 89–91, 96.

¹⁰⁶ Burnett, Introduction of Arabic learning, 31–2.

¹⁰⁷ It has been argued that the Policraticus ‘cannot be taken as any indication that astrology was actively practised at the court’: Carey, H. M., Courting disaster: astrology at the English court and university in the later Middle Ages, New York 1992, 28–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. But see Peters, The magician, 47; M. Gibson ‘Adelard of Bath’, in C. Burnett (ed.), Adelard of Bath, 16; and CFE, p. xxix.

¹⁰⁸ ‘Plerique declinantes corda in uerba malicie ad excusandas excusationes in peccatis, omnium que fiunt seu quoquomodo eueniunt, fatalem uel alias ineuitabilem necessitatem conantur astruere': CFE i, i, p. 12.

¹⁰⁹ ‘qua homines quod cupiunt libenter credunt’: CFE, epistola commendativa, iii, p. 11.

¹¹⁰ Bartholomew's addressee Baldwin of Ford had written about faith and reason, particularly in his De commendatione fidei. However, Baldwin argued that reason led the will astray, rather than vice-versa as Bartholomew contends here: Baldwin of Ford, Balduini de Forda opera: sermones, De commendatione fidei, ed. D. N. Bell, CCCM ic, 1991, praefatio, ii, p. 343.

¹¹¹ ‘Sunt alii qui definitum per prophetam gradum qui ait: Nisi credideritis, non intelligetis’: CFE i, ii, p. 12; cf. Isaiah vii.9.

¹¹² ‘non solum credere, sed et postmodum intelligere quod credunt, pie cupiunt et humiliter querunt’: CFE i, ii, p. 12.

¹¹³ Morey, Bartholomew, 163–6.

¹¹⁴ CFE, p. xxxiv.

¹¹⁵ Bell, ‘Twelfth-century divination’, 249–50; Balduini de Forda opera, pp. xxx–xxxi. The extended section is lxxxv, vii–xvi, pp. 431–4.

¹¹⁶ ‘Permittit autem Deus nonnunquam per malos signa et portenta que futura sunt predici’: Balduini de Forda opera, lxxxv, vii, p. 431. Translation from Baldwin of Ford, The commendation of faith, trans. J. P. Freeland and D. N. Bell, Kalamazoo, Mi 2000, 230–1.

¹¹⁷ Balduini de Forda opera, lxxxv, xiii–xiv, p. 433.

¹¹⁸ Morey, Bartholomew, 11, 20.

¹¹⁹ John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ii, xx, p. 118; cf. Matt. xxiv.36.

¹²⁰ John of Salisbury, The letters of John of Salisbury, II: The later letters (1163–1180), ed. W. J. Millor and C. N. L. Brooke, Oxford 1979, 392–3.

¹²¹ ‘Ceterum artem esse qua quis de futuris ad omnia interrogata uerum respondeat aut omnino non esse aut nondum innotuisse hominibus michi multorum auctoritate et ratione persuasum est': John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ii, xxv, p. 140.

¹²² ms Bodley 482; Baldwin of Ford, Liber de sectis hereticorum et orthodoxe fidei dogmata, ed. J. L. Narvaja, Berlin 2008.