¹ For this and an indication of the literature see Ward, W. R., ‘Power and piety: the origins of religious revival in the early eighteenth century’, Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester lxiii (1980), 231–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Diözesanarchiv Graz, MS XV b. 23, Religionsberichte Protestantismus 1598–1730, 10 Oct. 1730.

³ Ibid. Religionsberichte Protestantismus 1731–35, letter to bishop of Seckau, 16 Jan. 1733.

⁴ Zwiedineck-Südenhorst, H. von, ‘Geschichte der religiösen Bewegung in Inner-Österreich im 18. Jahrhundert’, Archiv für oslerreichische Geschichte liii (1875), 457–546 at p. 482Google Scholar.

⁵ Dedic, Paul, ‘Die Massnahmen Maria Theresias gegen die Oberennstaler Protestanten bis zur Errichtung der steirischen Konversionshaiiser’, Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Österreich (hereinafter cited as JGGPÖ) lxi (1940), 73–149 at p. 76Google Scholar.

⁶ Steirmärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, MS H. S. xiii. i, Religionsakten 1749–73, passim, e.g. no. 483.

⁷ Acta Historico-Ecclesiastica (hereinafter cited as AHE), i. 769–808; ii. 734–47- Reporting in the Unschuldige Nachrichten was admittedly rather thin, probably owing to the Saxon censorship.

⁸ E. g. Raupach, Bernhard, Evangelisches Österreich, Hamburg 1732Google Scholar. Cf. the works on neighbouring areas: Hillinger, J. G., Beytrag zur Kirchen-Historie des Erzbischoftums Sallzburg, Saalfeld 1732Google Scholar; G. C. Rieger, Der Salz-Bund Gottes mit der Evangelisch-Salzburgischcn Gemeinde, n. p. 1732–3; Rieger, G. C., Die alte und neue Böhmische Brüder, Züllichau 1734–1739Google Scholar.

⁹ Bumet’s view was that the Salzburger Protestants were descended from the Waldensians, Burnet, G., Some letters concerning an account of what seemed most remarkable in Switzerland, Italy &c, London 1687Google Scholar (trans. Beschreibung seiner Reise durch die Schweiz, Italien und einiger Orter Deutschlands und Frankreichs). This was widely discussed - e.g. by Schelhom, J. G., Historische Nachricht von Ursprunge, Fortgang und Schicksale der evangelischen Religion in den Salzburgischen Landen, Leipzig 1732, 7–10Google Scholar. -and was rejected both by Joseph Schaitberger, the exiled Hallein miner and evangelist, Wahrhaftiger Bericht von der Salzburgischen Reformation welche im Jahr…1686 vorgegangen ist (repr. in Hillinger, op. cit. 130), and by G. G. G. Göcking, Vollkommene Emigrations…Geschichte... Frankfurt-Leipzig 1734–7, i. 43–4. The parallel between the fate of the Waldenses, who suffered renewed persecution in the 1720s and (despite British and Prussian diplomatic support, and much Swiss assistance) emigrated on a modest scale, was too close to escape notice, Die seuffende Salzburger oder besondere Unterredung…zwischen einem…Waldenstr, Magdeburg 1732Google Scholar; Die getrostete Salzburger, oder Gesprdch… zwischen einem Salzburger und einem… Waldenser, Magdeburg 1733; Die zweyte Unterrcdung…zwischen einem…Salzburger und einem… Waldenser, Magdeburg 1732. Protestant scholars were too preoccupied with assessing the place of the Waldensians in the pedigree of the Reformation to explore their contemporary history, Rieger, Salz-Bund Gottes, 738–9; idem, Böhmische Brüder, i. 4–6; Unschuldige Nachrichten 1734, 518. The Waldensians seem not, however, to have shown the same capacity to generate revival as the Salzburgers and Austrians (or indeed as the older Waldensian exiles absorbed into the Bohemian Brethren), perhaps because some were settled and then resettled; some were settled in very small groups; and some of the larger groups remained dependent on Swiss established churches.

¹⁰ The Present State of Germany, i, London 1738, 344Google Scholar; Hillinger, Kitchen-Historic Salzburg, 13; Rieger, Salz-Bund Gottes, 5. In Böhmische Brüder, i. 3, Rieger aimed ‘to represent… a continuous and unbroken succession and series of visible Protestant congregations from the first apostolic churches up to our own time’.

¹¹ Cf. Peter F. Barton, ‘Gegenreformation und Protestantismus in der habsburgischen Macht- und Einflußsphäre, vor allem im 17. Jahrhundert’, in Rebellion oder Religion?, ed. Peter F. Barton and Láslo Makkai, Budapest 1977, 23–36 at p. 25.

¹² Sakrausky, ‘Der österreichische Protestantismus’, 12, 22–3.

¹³ Clergy also resisted the creation of a less inefficient parochial system for financial reasons, Dedic, ‘Die Massnahmen Maria Theresias’, 81.

¹⁴ The work of Winfried Schulze and Giinter Vogler, suggesting that this peasant aptitude for litigation was one reason why the Reich escaped a recurrence of the massive revolt of 1525, is summarised with references in Vogler, Günter, ‘Religion, confession and peasant resistance in the German territories in the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries’, in Bak, Janos M. and Beneke, Gerhard (eds), Religion and Rural Revolt, Manchester 1984, 173–87 at p. 183Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Wandruszka, Adam, ‘Geheimprotestantismus, Josephinismus und Volksliturgie in Österreich’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte (hereinafter cited as ZKg) lxxviii (1967), 94–101 at p. 95Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Raupach, Evangelisches Österreich, 293–300. Fritz Dickmann lays the weight on the simple determination of the emperor and his councillors not to surrender this point, Der Westfäliscke Frieden, 2nd edn, Münster 1965, 366, 462–3Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Widmann, Hans, Geschichte Salzburgs, Gotha 1907–1914, iii. 326Google Scholar. It was characteristic of the confusions of jurisdiction in this area that while, for secular government, most of the Defereggental was subject to the Principality of Salzburg, part belonged to the Tirol. In matters spiritual the valley was entirely subject to the archdiocese of Salzburg and belonged to the archdeaconry of Gmiind in Carinthia.

¹⁸ Martin Gruhlichen, Annales Theologico-ecclesiaslici. Oder historische Nachrichten von alien Merckwürdigkeiten die sich in Kirchen- und Theologischen-Sachen sett der Reformation Lutheri bis anitzo zugetragen, Dresden-Leipzig 1734, 760.

¹⁹ Urlsperger, Samuel, Der noch lebende Joseph Schaitberger, Augsburg 1732, 21Google Scholar; Evangelisch in Steiermark, Graz 1981, 85Google Scholar.

²⁰ Desput, Joseph, ‘Toleranz im Zeichen der Aufklärung. Zur Durchführung des Toleranzpatentes in der Steiermark’, Mitteilungen des Steiermärkischcn Landesarchivs xxxi (1981), 105–21 at p. 120Google Scholar.

²¹ The biography appeared in a series ‘of reports of the grace of God as revealed in persons of the lower class’ in the journal, LeipzigSammlung auserlesener Material zum Bau des Roches Goltes v (1736), 589–621Google Scholar. The journal was founded by Traugott Immanuel Jerichovius, an ally of Zinzendorf and master of the school attached to the Jesus Church at Teschen in its heroic years, and was taken over on his death in 1734 by Steinmetz, the most important and attractive preacher of the Teschen revival before his expulsion in 1730 (on whom see below). Patzelt, H., De Pietismus im Teschener Schlesien, 1709–1730, Göttingen 1969, 174 n. 11Google Scholar; Ritschl, Albrecht, Geschichte des Pietismus, Bonn, 1880–1886, repr. Berlin 1966, ii. 471 n. 1Google Scholar.

²² Urlsperger, Der noch lebende Schaitberger, 10–11.

²³ Urlsperger, Samuel, Die ausführliche Nachrichten von der Salzburger Emigranten in Amerika, Halle 1736–1750Google Scholar, a work partly available in English as Detailed Reports on the Salzburger Emigrants who settled in America, ed. George Fenwick Jones and others, 6 vols, Athens, Ga. 1968-. The Nachrichten were succeeded by a briefer series by the same author, Americanisches Ackerwerk Gottes, Augsburg, 1760–1767Google Scholar.

²⁴ Philoletha Evangelico (i.e. Samuel Urlsperger), Saltzburgisches Denkmal der Evangelischen Wahrheit, das ist Joseph Schaitbergers…Evangelische Sendschreiben, Frankfurt-Leipzig 1732Google Scholar. This text was produced to meet the demands of literate Salzburger exiles, ‘almost all’ of whom ‘asked, “Have you any Schaitbergers” and were delighted when given a copy’, Urlsperger, Der noch lebende Schaitberger, 8. The posthumous collection of Schaitberger’s works with the writing of which he disclaimed receiving any assistance, ibid. 11–12 and app. 2, exceeded 700 pages, Schaitberger, Joseph, Neuvermchrtcr evangelischer Sendbrief, Nuremberg 1736Google Scholar.

²⁵ Samuel Urlsperger (1685—1772) had been pastor of the German Lutheran congregation in the Savoy 1710–12 and, when he left this country, became a corresponding member of the SPCK. The SPCK was influential with the Georgia Trustees in securing a settlement for the Salzburgers.

²⁶ Dedic, ‘Die Massnahmen Maria Theresias’, 113.

²⁷ Zauner, J. T. and Gartner, Corbinian, Neu Chronik von Salzburg, Salzburg 1803–1826, iv. 70–2Google Scholar.

²⁸ Siegmund Jacob Baumgarten, Geschichle der Religionspartheyen, ed. J. S. Semler, Halle 1766, repr. Hildesheim 1966, 107.

²⁹ Dedic, op. cit. 80, 83–4. Schaitberger was adept at producing six evidences that the Lutheran Church was the one true Church (and scorned the radical Pietists who held ‘the Lutheranism of today to be more an old Bible than a new Jerusalem and [went] no more to church or communion’) or a biblical confession in ten points, Urlsperger, Salzburgisches Denkmal, 97; Schaitberger, Neuvermehrter Sendbrief, 129–31, 568. Cf. Sakrausky, Oskar, ‘Evangelisches Glaubensleben im Gailtal zur Zeit der Reformation und Gegenreformation’, Carinlhia 1 clxxi (1981), 171–92 at p. 191Google Scholar.

³⁰ Zauner and Gärtner, op. cit. iv. 89.

³¹ ‘After the sixty-two weeks the one who is anointed shall be removed [ausgerotttt in the Luther version] with no one to take his part, and the horde of the invading prince shall work havoc on city and sanctuary.’

³² Schaitberger’s first circular letter commenced with this passage; it was reprinted in Urlsperger, Salzburgisches Denkmal, 1.

³³ For a treatment of this subject with references, see Ward, ‘Power and piety’.

³⁴ On this see Wreech, Curt Friedrich, Wahrhaffte und umständliche Historic von deren schwedischen Gefangcncn in Russland und Sibericn…, Sorau 1725Google Scholar.

³⁵ For the Jesus Church see Wagner, Oskar, Mutterkirche uieler Länder. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche im Herzoglum Teschen. 1545–1918/20, Vienna-Cologne-Graz 1978Google Scholar; and Patzelt, Pietismus im Teschener Schlesien.

³⁶ Christian Jona, Friedrich, Nachricht von dem Lebens-Umständen und dem selige Abschiede des weiland hochwürdigen Hernn, Herrn Johann Adam Steinmetz, Magdeburg 1762Google Scholar, contains a valuable account of Steinmetz’s preaching methods.

³⁷ Cf. Kawerau, Peter, ‘Johann Adam Steinmetz. Vermittler zwischen dem deutschen und amerikanischen Pietismus im 18. Jahrhundert’, ZKg lxx (1959). 75–88Google Scholar.

³⁸ Zwiedineck-Südenhorst, ‘Religiöse Bewegung in Inner-Österreich’, 467–8; Leidl, August, ‘Die religiöse und seelsorgliche Situation zur Zeit Maria Theresias (1740–1780) im Gebiet des heutigen Österreich’, Ostbairische Grenzmarken xvi (1974), 162–78Google Scholar at pp. 165, 167. Frederick the Great was too preoccupied with holding and populating Silesia (for which he looked to Bohemia and Moravia) to bother about the Protestants of Inner Austria.

³⁸ [Johann Jakob Moser], Acten-Mässiger Berickt von der jetzmatigen schweren Verfolgung dercr Evangelischen in dem Ertz-Bisthum Salzburg, Frankfurt-Leipzig 1732Google Scholar, Vorrede. The Present State of Germany, i. 344–5.

⁴⁰ Zauner and Gärtner, Salzburg, iv. 127–36, 381–93. On Mosegger’s preaching, see Loesche, Georg, ‘Neues über die Ausrottung des Protestantismus in Salzburg, 1731/2’, JGGPÖ 1 (1929), 1–201 at p. 30; cf. p. 66Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Widmann, Geschichte Salzburgs, iii. 389—91.

⁴² The British Library preserves a small collection of these sermons at MSS 1012 d. 30, 3905 ee. 63/3, 4650 df. 3, and 4660 aa 12/2.

⁴³ This subject is elaborately treated, with reprints of many of the graphics, in Angelika Marsch, Die Salzburger Emigration in Bildern, 2nd edn, Weissenhorn 1979, 158ff.

⁴⁴ Reformation-Emigration. Prolestanten in Salzburg, ed. F. Zaisberger, Salzburg 1981, 110–11.

⁴⁵ Lichtenberg, Heinz Otto, Unterhaltsame Bauernaufklärung. Ein Kapitel Volksbildungsgeschichte, Tübingen 1970Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Gagliardo, J. G., From Pariah to Patriot. The changing image of the German peasant, 1770–1840, Lexington, Ky. 1969Google Scholar. Cf. Kaiser, Gerhard, Pietismus und Patriotisms im literarischen Deulschland, Wiesbaden 1961, ch. vii, esp. at pp. 107–8Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Loscher, Valentin Ernst, Drey Predigten von der Erkenntnis und Ehre des Sohnes Coltes…, Dresden-Neustadt 1733, 26Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ ‘The Lord is doing a new thing in the land… It exults and sings; it gives thanks and praise…The land is becoming like the Lord. It makes all things new. It builds new altars. It renews its old, its first love. It creates new hope. It traces new growth’, Müller, Gottfried, Zulänglich Erkantnüss des jetzigen Salzburgischen Emigration-Wesens, Dresden-Leipzig 1732, pref., 2Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Lebensgeschichte J. J.Mosers, von ihm selbst beschrieben, n. p. 1768, 55. Moser (1701–85) was a Württemberger, a celebrated lawyer who made the public law of the empire a subject of academic study. For him see references in Ward, ‘Orthodoxy, Enlightenment and religious revival’, Studies in Church History xvii (1982), 275–96 at pp. 279–80Google Scholar; and Walker, Mack, Johann Jakob Moser and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, Chapel Hill, NC 1981Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Rieger, Der Salz-Bund Gottes, 3. Rieger (1687–1743), of whom there is a useful obituary in AHE viii. 736–62, was pressed to extend his work on the Salzburgers to the ancient and modern history of the Brethren on the grounds that ‘this kind of history had something awakening and edifying [erwecklichcs und erbaulichcs] in it’, Böhmische Brüder, i. 2.

⁵¹ Geistliche Fama, vii. 18–34; x. 28, 81–2; xxiii. 6–7. This journal, which ran from 1730 to 1743, was edited at first by Johann Samuel Carl and later by Konrad Dippel. Cf. Zcllcr, Winfricd, Theologie und Frömmigkeit, Marburg 1971–1978, ii. 153–9Google Scholar.

⁵² Gottfried Arnold, (1666–1714), professor of history at Giesscn 1697–8, whose Unpartheyische Kitchen- und Ketzer-Historie (1699–1700) saw the history of heresy as part of the history of the Church, and who believed that if there was a ‘proof of the truth of Christianity it must be established not dogmatically, but on a basis of experience and history.

⁵³ Johann Konrad Dippel (1673–1734), the son of a Hessian pastor, moved from Orthodoxy to a radically anti-institutional kind of pietism. A scientist who always had international aristocratic support for his alchemist researches into the production of gold, he was physician to the king of Sweden; his struggles to pit observation against a mechanistic world-picture have been compared to his pietistic and experiential theology of salvation.

⁵⁴ August Hermann Francke (1663–1727), the great organiser of the second generation of the pietist movement, spiritually, politically and in terms of the charitable institutions of Halle. He began close to the mystic spiritualists in Saxony and ended by putting a universal vision to the service of the Prussian government.

⁵⁵ Schlegel, Johann Rudolf, Kirchcngeschichtc des achtzehntm Jahrhunderts, Heilbronn 1784–1786, ii. 207–8Google Scholar; Regula, J., ‘Die Berchtesgadener… Emigranten in Gottingen, 1733–42’, Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für niedersäehsische Kirchengeschichte xix (1914), 209–29Google Scholar; Schauroth, E. C. W. von, Vollständige Sammlung alter…Schreiben und anderer übrigen Verhandlungen des hochprcisslichen Corporis Evangelicorum…, Regensburg 1751–1752, i. 113–27Google Scholar. The Protestant ambassadors got over the difficulty that many of the Berchtesgadeners were serfs by paying their redemption money.

⁵⁶ Eduard Winter, Die tschechische und slovakische Emigration in Deutschland im ly. und 18. Jahrhundert, [East] Berlin 1955, 103.

⁵⁷ On these issues see Martin Naumann, Öslerreich, England und das Reich, 7710–32, Berlin 1936, 181; Hugo Hantsch, Reichsvizekanzler Friedrich Graf von Schönborn (1674–1746). Einige Kapitel zur politischen Geschichte Kaiser Josefs I und Karls VI, Augsburg 1929, 325–35Google Scholar; Mayr, Josef Karl, ‘Zur Geschichte der Emigration der Salzburger Protestanten von 1731/2’, JGGPÖ lii (1931). 136–47Google Scholar; Reissenberger, F., ‘Das Corpus Evangelicorum und die österreichischen Protestanten (1685–1764)’, JGGPÖ xvii (1896), 212–18Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Zauner and Gärtner, Salzburg, iv. 112; Diözesanarchiv Graz, MS xv b. 23, correspondence of Charles vi with the bishop of Seckau, 13, 28 Sept. 1714, 3 Aug. 1718, 30 Mar. 1724.

⁵⁹ Ibid, MS xv b. 23, archbishop of Salzburg to the bishop of Seckau, 3 Mar. 1730; Steiermarkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, MS H. S. xiii. 1, nos 131, 146, 180, 202; H. S. xiii. 2, nos 22, 104, 118, 137, 466, 505. Despite the rift between primate and emperor over the Protestant question at this moment, the archbishopric (as distinct from the principality) had already opened the way to smoother co-operation by clearing up many of the disputes over jurisdiction and church organisation which had existed between them.

⁶⁰ Amon, K. (ed.), Die Bischöfe von Graz-Seckau, Graz-Vienna-Cologne 1969, 338Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, MS H. S. xiii. 1, nos 247, 425, 615, 673.

⁶² This theme is pursued by Klingenstein, Grete, Der Aufstieg des Hauses Kaunilz, Göttingen 1975Google Scholar.

⁶³ Prince Eugene’s dragoons were a disappointment; a considerable proportion of both officers and men were Protestants who joined in the devotions of the Protestant families on whom they were billeted. They had to be replaced by cuirassiers, Gerhard Florey, Geschichte der Salzburgcr Proleslanten und Hirer Emigration 1731/32, Vienna-Cologne-Graz 1977, 110.

⁶⁴ Zwiedineck-Südenhorst, ‘Religiöse Bewegung’, 466, 472. The secular authorities were naturally anxious to suppress news of events in Salzburg, Diozesanarchiv Graz, Religionsberichte Protestantismus 1731–5, governor of Styria and others to the bishop of Seckau, 16 Jan. 1733. As n w a s Protestants from the Gosautal joined the Salzburger trains, Barton, Peter F. (ed.), Im Zeichen der Toleranz, Vienna 1981, 423Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Staatsarchiv, Vienna, MS W514 fos 288–9; Österreichische National Bibliothek, Vienna, Handschriftsammlung, MS S. no. 12. 109, fo. 110.

⁶⁶ Aus der Zeit Maria Theresias. Tagebuch des Fürsten Johann Josef Khevenhüller-Metsch 1742–76, ed. Rudolf Graf Khevenhüller, Vienna 1907–25, vi. 480.

⁶⁷ At the end of the seventeenth century persecution had sometimes been limited in wartime by the non-co-operation of provincial authorities, Dedic, Paul, ‘Duldung und Aufenthalt evangelischer Ausländer in Graz am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts’, JGGPÖ vii. (1936), 70–8Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ In Bohemia, apart from apocalyptic sects, there were even Judaising bodies of Christian Israelites, Riĉan, Rudolf, Das Reich Gottes in dem Böhmischen Ländern. Geschichle des tschechischen ProUstantismus, Stuttgart 1957, 148Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, MS H. S. xiii. 1, nos 544, 656–7, 670, 687–8, 709, 712, 718, 728.

⁷⁰ AHE, i. 634–40; Loesche, ‘Die Ausrottung’, 121–7.

⁷¹ Zwiedineck-Siidenhorst, ‘Religiöse Bewegung’, 468—9, 511—15. Cf. Diözesanarchiv Graz, MS xv b. 23, Religionsberichte Protestantismus 1731–5, bishop of Seckau to the emperor, 3 Aug., 2 Oct. 1731.

⁷² Dedic, ‘Die Massnahmen Maria Theresias’, 79, 89, 96, 97, 100, 102, 112–13: Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, MS H. S. xiii. 1, no. 534. There were others from Ortenburg, Bavaria, ibid, nos 459, 561.

⁷³ Ibid, MS H. S. xiii. 2, nos 1295, 1313.

⁷⁴ Ibid, MS H. S. xiii. i, no. 23.

⁷⁵ The styles of mission, changes in which were resisted by the bishops, are described in Leidl, ‘Die religiöse und seelsorgliche Situation’, 171–4; cf. Wandruszka, ‘Geheimprotestantismus’, 97.

⁷⁶ The instructions, dated 1752, are preserved in Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, Box 349, Religions Acta, 1752–3. Cf. Diözesanarchiv Graz, MS Religionsberichte Protestantismus 1731–5, bundle labelled ‘Gegenreformation’ (1733–4). In 1749 the vicar of Schladming and Ramsau (Upper Ennstal) reported, credibly enough, that meat was cooked and eaten on fast days there.

⁷⁷ Ortenburg was a Protestant county to which Protestants from Upper Austria had resorted for communion, Barton, Jm Zeichen der Toleranz, 408.

⁷⁸ Dedic, ‘Massnahmen Maria Theresias’, 76.

⁷⁹ Huge quantities of missionaries’ reports are to be found in Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, Box 350, Religions Akten.

⁸⁰ Dedic, Paul, ‘Die Einschmuggelung lutherischer Bücher nach Kärnten in den ersten Dezennien des 18. Jahrhunderts’, JGGPÖ lx (1939), 126–77 at pp. 126, 174Google Scholar; idem, ‘Die Massnahmen Maria Theresias’, 110, 113.

⁸¹ For him see Staehlin, Ernst, Die Christentumsgesellschaft in der Zeit der Aujklärung und der beginnenden Erweckung, Basle 1970, 44Google Scholar; Barton, Im Zeichen der Tolerant, 407–8.

⁸² Reischer, Franz, Die Toleranzgemeinden Kämtens nach einem Visitationsbericht vom Jahre 1786, Klagenfurt 1965, 57Google Scholar.

⁸³ On this see Reinhard Wittmann, ‘Der lesende Landmann. Zur Rezeption Aufklärerischer Bemühungen durch die bauerliche Bevölkerung im 18. Jahrhundert’, in Heinz Ishreyt (ed.), Der Bauer Mittel- und Osteuropas im sotio-ökonomischen Wandel des 18. und ig. Jahrhunderts, Cologne-Vienna 1973, 142–96.

⁸⁴ Sakrausky, Oskar, ‘Das evangelische geistliche Lied in Kärnten’, Carinthia I clxxi (1981), 271–87Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Idem, ‘Evangelisches Glaubenleben im Gailtal zur Zeit der Reformation und Gegenreformation’, Carinthia I clxxi (1981), 171–92 at p. 191Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Dedic, ‘Einschmuggelung’, 173. The report is printed in Zwiedineck-Südenhorst, ‘Religiöse Bewegung’, 521–6.

⁸¹ Sakrausky, ‘Evangelisches Glaubensleben’, 189.

⁸⁸ Johann Christian Edelmann, who made the pilgrimage to Ödenburg to communion as part of the household of Count Kornfeil, liked Hungarian wine and tobacco but did not care for the spectacle in church of the gentry nodding in sumptuous pews while peasants, wearied from their own long journeys, were kept waiting in the heat, Edelmann, J. C., Selbstbiographie, Berlin 1849Google Scholar (repr. in W. Grossmann (ed.), Sämtlichc Schriften, xii, Bad Canstatt 1976), 82–5.

⁸⁹ Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, MS H. S. xiii. 1, nos 125, 127 (and many subsequent papers about Gewiessler), 135.

⁹⁰ Zwiedineck-Südenhorst, ‘Religiöse Bewegung’, 526.

⁹¹ Dedic, ‘Die Massnahmen Maria Theresias’, 94. The persistence of this tradition into the age of toleration is hinted at in Barton, Im Zeichen der Toleranz, 14–15, 425.

⁹² Sakrausky, ‘Evangelisches Glaubenleben’, 191.

⁹³ On how this came about, see Obal, Bela, Die Religionspolitik in Ungarn nach den Westfälischer Fricden Während der Regierung Leopold I, Halle 1910, 14–18Google Scholar. For the Hungarian Protestants generally, see Bucsay, Mihály, Der Protestanlismus in Ungarn 1521–1978, Vienna-Cologne-Graz 1977–1999Google Scholar; and for the context of their struggle, Köpeczi, Béla, Staatsräson und christliche Solidarität, Vienna-Cologne-Graz 1983Google Scholar. For Lutherans, Borbis, Johannes. Die evangelisch-lutherische Kirche Ungarns in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung, Nördlingen 1861Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Die Bischöfe der evangelischen Kirche A.B. in Siebenbürgen, i, ed. Hermann Jekeli, Hermannstadt 1933, repr. Vienna 1978.