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Travail of a Broken Family: Evangelical Responses to Pentecostalism in America, 1906–1916
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 May 2015
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Early pentecostals thought the world of themselves and they assumed that everyone else did too. Not always positively, of course, but frequently, and with secret envy. In one sense it is difficult to imagine how pentecostals could have been more wrong. Till the 1950s most Americans had never heard of them. A handful of observers within the established Churches noticed their existence, and maybe a dozen journalists and scholars took a few hours to try to figure out why a movement so manifestly backward could erupt in the sunlit progressivism of the early twentieth century. But for the American public as a whole, that was about all there was. In another sense, however, pentecostals' extravagant assessment of their own importance proved exactly right. Radical evangelicals, pentecostals' spiritual and in many cases biological parents, marshalled impressive resources to crush the menace in their midst. Abusive words flew back and forth for years, subsiding into sullen silence only in the 1930s. Things improved somewhat after World War II, but even today many on both sides of the canyon continue to eye the other with fear and suspicion.
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References
1 I offer thumbnail historical definitions for pentecostalism and for radical evangelicalism a little later in this article. For secondary literature on both movements see the bibliographical appendix. For indications that tensions persist, despite ecumenical overtures of late, see Hocken, Peter, The glory and the shame: reflections on the 20th-century outpouring of the Holy Spirit, Guildford 1994 Google Scholar, ch. ii, and Grider, J. Kenneth, A Wesleyan-holiness theology, Kansas City, Mo. 1994, 416–20Google Scholar.
2 For a focused study of some of the recurring features of religious conflict in United States history see Bellah, Robert N. and Greenspahn, Frederick E. (eds), Uncivil religion: interreligious hostility in America, New York 1987 Google Scholar, especially Bellah's concluding remarks. For a related perspective see Hirschman, Albert, Exit, voice, loyalty, Cambridge, Mass. 1970 Google Scholar, which discusses the cost-benefit trade-offs, emotional and otherwise, of leaving any organised body and critiquing it from the outside versus staying in and voicing one's dissent from the inside.
3 Whether pentecostalism stemmed primarily from the Wesleyan holiness tradition or from the higher life fundamentalist tradition is hotly disputed by scholars. The evidence is too spotty and elusive to know for sure. My own reading of hundreds of letters to the editors in early pentecostal periodicals (in which converts often identified their church backgrounds) suggests that a slight majority hailed from Wesleyan holiness backgrounds. For effective statements of opposing points of view on this question see Synan, Vinson, The holiness–pentecostal movement in the United States, Grand Rapids 1971 Google Scholar, versus Waldvogel, Edith Lydia, ‘The “overcoming life”: a study in the reformed evangelical origins of pentecostalism’, unpubl. PhD diss. Harvard 1977 Google Scholar.
4 The secondary literature on the origins of pentecostalism is almost as contentious as the controversies it describes. For a perceptive overview of the debate see Joseph W. Creech, Jr, ‘The myth of Azusa Street in pentecostal historiography’, Church History, forthcoming.
5 Adherence figures for all of these traditions (that is, holiness/Wesleyan, fundamentalist/evangelical and pentecostal/charismatic) are an educated guess at best. My estimates are drawn from several sources, including The yearbook of American and Canadian churches, 1995, Nashville, Tenn. 1995 Google Scholar; Kosmin, Barry A. and Lachman, Seymour P., One nation under God: religion in contemporary American society, New York 1993, esp. pp. 15–17, 197Google Scholar; Barrett, David B. (ed.), World Christian encyclopedia, New York 1982, 711, 712, 715Google Scholar; and Barrett's, statistical updates published annually in the January issue of the International Bulletin of Missionary Research, esp. xvii (01 1993), 23 Google Scholar; xviii (Jan. 1994), 24–5; xix (Jan. 1995), 25.
6 An unsigned editorial in Christian Witness and Advocate of Bible Holiness, 15 Nov. 1906, 8, is the earliest clearly antagonistic reference to the ‘Tongues Movement’ that I have unearthed. One month later the redoubtable Bresee, P. F., founder of the Church of the Nazarene in Los Angeles, similarly chose sides and came out swinging in Nazarene Messenger, 13 12 1906, 6 Google Scholar.
7 Holiness Advocate, June 1906, 4. This article was in fact a reprint from the Way of Faith, presumably by J. M. Pike, but since it appeared on the Holiness Advocate's editorial page without comment, it undoubtedly reflected Crumpler's views as well.
8 See the testimonials by Pate, J. H. and Parker, Katie in Holiness Advocate, 1 06, 1906, 3, 6Google Scholar. Additional testimonials may have been printed in other issues, but only half a dozen fascicles of this periodical seem to exist.
9 Ibid. 15 May 1907, 1. This was a reprint of Pike's editorial in the Way of Faith, 9 May 1907, noted above, but Crumpler appended a note stating that it expressed his views too.
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