¹ Euan, Cameron, The European Reformation, Oxford 1991Google Scholar, esp. chs xx–xxi.

² Ronald, Po-Chia Hsia, Society and religion in Münster, 1535–1618, New Haven-London 1984; Social discipline in the Reformation; and idem (ed.),The German people and the Reformation, Ithaca-London 1988Google Scholar.

³ Bernd, Moeller, Imperial cities and the Reformation, Philadelphia 1972, 41–115. The fallout from Moeller's piece, with a bibliography to 1984, is discussed by Kaspar von, Greyerz, ‘Stadt und Reformation: Stand und Aufgaben der Forschung’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte lxxvi (1985), 3–63.Google Scholar

⁴ Dickens, A. G., The German nation and Martin Luther, London 1974, 177–99, 218–22. Scribner, R. W., in ‘Civic unity and the Reformation in Erfurt’, Past and Present lxvi (1975), 29–60, and in Popular culture and popularmovements in Reformation Germany, London-Ronceverte 1987, 185–216, was morereserved; so is Cameron, European Reformation, 303–4.Google Scholar

⁵ ‘A, Luther relic’, in Robinson-Hammerstein, The transmission of ideas, 47–64.Google Scholar

⁶ Günther, Vogler, ‘Imperial city Nuremberg, 1524–1525’, and Thomas, A. Brady, ‘In search of a godly city’, in Hsia, German people, 39f, 46f, 21 – the meaning here being perhaps neighbourliness between cities rather than inside them.Google Scholar

⁷ Thus Brady, , ‘Godly city’, 14–31, Vogler,‘Nuremberg’, 32–49, and Rublack, , ‘Song of Contz Anahans’ (below, n. 8); also Scribner (above, n. 4).Google Scholar

⁸ ‘The Song of Contz, Anahans’, in Hsia, German people, 102–20, at p. 119, and his ‘Martin Luther and the urban social experience’, in Robinson-Hammerstein, Transmission of ideas, 65–82, at p. 65.Google Scholar

⁹ Rublack, , ‘Song of Contz Anahans’, 117; Moeller, Imperial cities, 80–2.Google Scholar

¹⁰ ‘Between the territorial state and urban liberty’, in Hsia, , German people, 263–89. This is based on Schilling's Konfessionskonflikt und Staatsbildung,Gütersloh 1981. He has found the same pattern in several other cities: Greyerz, , ‘Stadt undReformation’, 30.Google Scholar

¹¹ ‘Münster and the Anabaptists’, in Hsia, , German people, 51–69Google Scholar.

¹² Compare John, Bossy, ‘Some elementary forms of Durkheim’, Past and Present xcv (1982), 3–18 at pp. 8–12.Google Scholar

¹³ Social discipline, 1–9, 174–85Google Scholar.

¹⁴ My own ideas about ‘traditional Christianity’ are contained in Christianity in the West, 1400–1700, Oxford 1985, pt 1; Bernard, Vogler's are in ‘La religion populaire en Allemagne lutheriénne’, in Jean Delumeau (ed.), Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien, Paris 1979, i, 365–86, at pp. 370–2.Google Scholar

¹⁵ David, Warren Sabean, Power in the blood: popular culture and village discoursein early modern Germany, Cambridge 1984, 37–60, and also pp. 28–36.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ibid. 28.

¹⁷ I broach the subject of friendship, enmity and liturgy in ‘The mass as a social institution, 1200–1700’, Past and Present c (1983), 29–61, at pp. 37–42; Angelo, Torre, ‘Politics cloaked in worship: state, church and local power in Piedmont, 1570–1770’Google Scholar, ibid, cxxxiv (1992), 42–92, explains the importance of private mass for parochial structure.

¹⁸ On this subject there is now a classic by Osvaldo, Raggio, Faide e parentele: lo stato genovese visto dalla Fontanabuona, Turin 1990.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Sabean, , Power in the blood, 40f, 52, and comments at pp. 58–60. Here Sabean attributes the situation he describes to a novel kind of Herrschafl, but I think it is more traditional than that: compare my ‘The Counter-Reformation and the people of Catholic Europe’, Past and Present xlvii (1970), 51–70, at pp. 54–6; also Vogler, ‘Religion populaire’, 371.Google Scholar

²⁰ Scribner, R. W., ‘Luthermyth’ and ‘Incombustible Luther’ , in his Popular culture and popular movements, 301–53; Bottigheimer, Ruth B., ‘Bible reading, “Bibles” and the Bible for children in early modern Germany’ , Past and Present cxxxix (1993), 66–89– a similar point made by Miriam, Chrisman in ‘Printing and the evolution of lay culture, Strasbourg, 1480–1599’, in Hsia, German people, 83f, 94, and by Helga, Robinson-Hammerstein, in Transmissionof ideas, 30–2.Google Scholar

²¹ Idem, ‘The Lutheran Reformation and its music’, in Transmission of ideas, 141–71.Google Scholar

²² Cameron, , European Reformation, 369–72; Hsia, Social discipline, 26–38, and esp. pp. 135–7; Henry, J. Cohn, ‘The territorial princes in Germany's Second Reformation’, in Menna Prestwich (ed.), International Calvinism, 1541–1715, Oxford 1985, 135–65.Google Scholar

²³ Gerald, Strauss, ‘Success and failure in the German Reformation’, Past and Present lxvii (1975), 30–63; Luther's house of learning, Baltimore–London 1978; ‘The Reformation and its public in an age of orthodoxy’, in Hsia, German people, 194–214.Google Scholar

²⁴ Sabean, Power in the blood, 38f. Luther's Shorter catechism, in Documents of the continental Reformation, ed. B. J. Kidd, Oxford 1911, repr. 1967, 214, reads:

‘And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us. What does that mean? Answer. We ask in this prayer that our Father in Heaven may not regard our sin…, but that He will grant all to us of His grace… And in our turn we will heartily forgive and do good to all those who sin against us.’

²⁵ Strauss, Luther's house of learning, 21 off.; Sabean, Power in the blood, 42f.; the general question is discussed in my ‘Moral arithmetic: seven sins into ten commandments’, in Edmund Leites (ed.), Conscience and casuistry in early modern Europe, Cambridge—Paris 1988, 214–34; and Christianity in the West, 38, 130, 137.

²⁶ The relevant part of the Interim is in Documents of the Reformation, 359–62 (it does not mention the vernacular); L. von Pastor, History of the popes, xvi, London-St Louis 1928, repr. 1951, 110–38 and passim; Hsia, Münster, 93–4, and Social discipline, 132f. There might be a question whether the sources referred to in Münster, 93 n. 2, necessarily refer to communion wine, rather than to ablution wine, for which see Jacques Toussaert, Le sentiment religieux en Flandre á la fin du Moyen Age, Paris 1963, 161 ff.

²⁷ Oscar Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, [i], [Oslo] 1963, 89–257; Michael Roberts, The early Vasas, Cambridge 1968, 282–9.

²⁸ Hsia, Münster, 87–92, 150–76, and Social discipline, 44.

²⁹ Marc R. Forster, The Counter-Reformation in the villages: religion and reform in the bishopric of Speyer, 1560–1720, Ithaca-London 1992, chs i-iii, esp. pp. 22ff., 29, 63, 80 (for quotation), 100. Trevor Johnson (below, n. 32) also takes the view that more was done to restore Catholicism in the Upper Palatinate after 1620 by honest concubinary parish priests than by either Tridentine bishops or Jesuits.

³⁰ Hsia, Social discipline, 181, 126–9; of fifteen cases he cites here from the records of the provincial synod of Cleve, 1610–48, eight are cases of marital or sexual discipline, seven of relations with other confessions (two mixed marriages), and three about Arminian preachers. Cf. Cohn, ‘Second Reformation’, 140, admittedly on the period before the grant of toleration in 1609.

³¹ Bernard Vogler and Janine Estèbe, ‘La genèse d'une société protestante; étude comparée de quelques registres consistoriaux languedociens et palatins vers 1600', Annales: économies, sociétés, civilisations xxxi (1976), 362–88, esp. pp. 365–6, 378; Bossy, Christianity in the West, 129–32. Cohn, ‘Second Reformation’, 159–72, indicates that the relation between State and Church in the Palatinate was more complicated than I suggest.

³² Simon Adams, ‘The Union, the League and the politics of Europe’, in Geoffrey Parker, The Thirty Years' War, London 1984, 25–38; Trevor Johnson, ‘The recatholicisation of the Upper Palatinate, c. 1621–1700', unpubl. PhD diss. Cambridge 1992, chs i–iii.

³³ Scribner, Popular culture, pp. xii, 1–47, 353. Hence, I guess, the misemphases he detects in my Christianity in the West: Scribner, Popular Culture, 121, and German people, 142.