¹ See Duncan, H. D., Symbols in Society, New York 1968Google Scholar. The English version of this paper has been revised by Christopher Brooke and Brenda Bolton, with much help from the Editors, George Garnett and Jonathan Shepard.

This paper ignores the funerals of Polish queens and their children. The queens did not share the quasi-sacerdotal character of the kings' rule and neither their coronations nor their funerals had such deep symbolic meaning as the kings'; and we lack any detailed evidence about the funerals of queens and their children before the seventeenth century. Seventeenth- to eighteenth-century material gathered by M. Rozek showed that the ceremonies were characterised by great splendour, but did not differ in significance from other Christian funerals (Groby krdlewskie w Krakowie, Cracow 1977, 78Google Scholar ff. and 189 ff.). In France and ‘England similarly funerals of queens and royal children were less spectacular, less developed, and lacked the deeper symbolic character of kings’ funerals (Erlande-Brandenburg, A., Le Roi est mart. Étude sur les funérailles des rois de France jusqu'à la fin du XIII^e siècle, Paris 1975, 23Google Scholar).

² See for example Gieysztor, A., ‘Spektakl i liturgia – Polska koronacj królewska', in Kultura elitarna a kultura masowa w Polsce pózńego średniowecza, ed. Geremek, B., Wroclaw 1978, 9–23Google Scholar; idem, ‘“Omamenta regia” w Polsce XV w.', in Sztuka i ideologia XV w., ed. P. Skubiszewski, Warsaw 1978, 155–64. For royal entries elsewhere see the fundamental studies of B. Guenée, F. Lehaux, Les Entrées royales françaises de 1328 à 1515, Paris 1968, and J. Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies. State entries and royal funerals in the Low Countries 1515–1791: a Bibliography, Leiden 1971. For further studies of royal funerals see P. Geiger, ‘“Le roi est mort – vive le roi!” Das Bild des Königs bei den französischen Königsbegräbnissen’, Schweizerisches Archiv für Volkskunde, xxxii (1933), 1–29Google Scholar; Giesey, R. A., The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France, Geneva 1960Google Scholar; Brückner, W., ‘Ross und Reiter im Leichen zeremoniell. Deutungsversuch eines historischen Rechtsbrauches’, Rheinisches Jahrbuck für Volkskunde, xv-xvi (1964–1965), 144–209Google Scholar; idem, Bildniss und Brauch. Studien zur Bildfunklion dtr Effigies, Berlin 1966; Erlande-Brandenburg, Le Roi est Mori.

³ For the funeral of Casimir the Great see the description by Sniezyńska-Stolot, E., ‘Dworski ceremonial pogrzebowy królów polskich w XIV w.’ in Sztuka i idcologia XIV w., ed. Skubiszewski, P., Warsaw 1975, 89–100Google Scholar; also Chróścicki, J. A., Pompa funebris. Z dziejów kultury staropolskiej, Warsaw 1974Google Scholar; cf. the abundant source material in Rożek, M., Groby królewskie and Uroczystości w barokowym Krakowie, Cracow 1976Google Scholar.

⁴ See Krüger, K. H., Königsgrabkirchen der Franken, Angelsachsen und Longobarden bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhundert. Ein hislorischer katalog, Munich 1971Google Scholar; A. Erlande-Brandenburg, Le Roi est mort; E. M. Hallam, ‘Aspects of the Monastic Patronage of the English and French Royal Houses, c. 1130–1270’, University of London Ph.D. thesis, 1976 (deposited in the Institute of Historical Research, University of London).

⁵ For the field of research see Panofsky, E., Grabplastik: vier Vorlesungen über ihren Bedeutungswandel von Alt-Ägyplen bis Bernini, Cologne 1964Google Scholar. For Poland see Kalinowski, L., ‘Treści artystyczne i ideowe kaplicy Zygmuntowskiej’, in Studia do dziejów Wawelu, Cracow 1961, ii. 1–117Google Scholar; E. Snieżyńska-Stolot, ‘Nagrobek Kazimierza Wielkiego w katedrze wawelskiej’, in ibid., Cracow 1968, iii. 1–115; M. Skubiszewska, ‘Program ikonograficzny nagrobka króla Kazimierza Jagiellończyka’, ibid., 117–98; Keblowski, J. J., ‘Nagrobki gotyckie na Slasku. Treści i funkcje ideowe’, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki, xxx (1968), 502–5Google Scholar.

⁶ An interesting study on both content and form of funeral speeches is Hennequin, J., Les Oraisons funèbres d'Henri IV: Les thèmes et la rhétorique, Lille 1978, i–iiGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Erlande-Brandenburg, Le Roi est mort, 14.

⁸ Chronicon Polonorum, ed. J. Szlachtowski, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Lvov 1872, ii. 631–48.

⁹ Chronicon Hungarorum, Buda 1473, facsimile ed. A. Hess, Budapest 1900, s.a. 1342.

¹⁰ The sources are discussed in W. Brückner, ‘Ross und Reiter’ (n. 2), 155.

¹¹ Die Chroniken der deutscher Städte vom 14. bis ins 16. Jahrhundert, Leipzig 1865, iv. 60 ff.

¹² J. Dlugosz, Historica Polonica, iv, in Opera omnia, ed. A. Przeździecki, Cracow 1877, xiii. 527. John Dlugosz (1415–80), canon of Cracow, diplomat, tutor to Casimir Jagiellon's son, was the most important Polish chronicler of the Middle Ages. See Borkowska, U., Treści ideowe w pismach Dlugosza: Kosciól i świat poza kosciolem, Lublin 1984Google Scholar.

¹³ The participation of representatives of all social strata and the phrase that the ceremonies were celebrated ‘solemniter’ (Monumenta Poloniae Hislorica, vi. 632) do not support the suggestion of haste made by E. Snieżyńska-Stolot, ‘Dworski ceremonial…’, 89, following Dabrowski, J., Kazimierz Wielki, twórca Korony Królestwa Polskiego w XIV wieku, Wroclaw 1964Google Scholar, and Korona Królestwa Polskiego w XIV wieku, Wroclaw-Cracow 1956Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Monumenta Poloniae Historica, ii. 636–9.

¹⁵ Ibid., 644–8.

¹⁶ Ibid, 647 ff.

¹⁷ Ibid., 648.

¹⁸ Ibid.

¹⁹ It is difficult to find in the chronicle of Janko of Czarnków support for the hypothesis of E. Snieżyńska-Stolot that the exequies ‘were organised upon the instruction of the Hungarian King Louis’, ‘Dworski ceremonial’, 90. He states only that ‘domino regi Lodovico, episcopis, ducibus et nobilibus praesentibus fuerant celebratae’ (Monumenta Poloniae Historica, ii. 646). The suggestion is repeated by M. Rożek, Groby królewski, 61, 94.

²⁰ J. Dlugosz, Historia Polonica, iii. 337.

²¹ W. Franknoí, Introduction to Chronica Hungarorum, facsimile edn., Budapest 1900, 14 ff., points out that there is no description of the events of the years 1335–42, including the death and funeral of Charles Robert, in any source now surviving earlier than the compilation of A. Hess; and that his material must come from an earlier source now lost. His description of the funeral was copied in the Chronicle of 1479 and in the Chronicle of John of Thurocz of 1488.

²² Chron. Hungarorum, s.a. 1342; eg. E. Snieżyńska-Stolot, ‘Dworski ceremonial.’, 96 ff.

²³ Die Chroniken der deulsche Städte, 60 ff.

²⁴ Brückner, ‘Ross und Reiter’, 153; Giesey, The Royal Funeral Ceremony (n.2), 89.

²⁵ Giesey, 90 ff.; Brückner, 160.

²⁶ Cange, C. Du. Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, Paris edn 1845Google Scholar, v. 714; for ‘representare’ cf. Brückner, Bildnis und Brauch …, 90 ff.

²⁷ R. Naz, ‘Funérailles’ in Dict, de Droit Canonique, Pari s 1953, v. 916, including sixteenth-century example s of funerals in which horse s were given as offerings. According to canon law, they were kep t by the churches where the funerals took place: Giesey, 32 ff.

²⁸ In both the works cited Brückner argues against the view that there were magic elements in medieval royal funeral customs.

²⁹ J. Dlugosz, Historia Polonica, iv, in Opera omnia, Cracow 1877, iii. 527–30.

³⁰ Mathias of Miechów, Chronica Polonorum, publ. by H. Vietor, Cracow 1521, cccxxvi; and a letter dating from 1492 in John Ursyn of Cracow, Modus epislolandi cum epistolis et orationibus annexis, ed. Winniczuk, L., Wroclaw 1957, 190–2Google Scholar.

³¹ This letter was discovered by K. Jezieniecki in Munich with other letters attributed to John Ursyn of Cracow, Eos vii (1901), 220–34. It was re-edited by L. Winniczuk (see n. 30) who did not believe that it was an authentic letter ofjohn Ursyn but an exercise by one of his students at Cracow University. All the model letters published by John Ursyn in Modus epistolandi date from 1485–95 and the work was dedicated to Frederick Jagiellon: Winniczuk, xiv, 190–2.

³² Mathias of Miechów, Chronica Polonorum, ccclv, and S. Nakropiński, Rocznik, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Lvov 1878, iii. 221.

³³ On account of the strained political situation, the wish of King Alexander to be buried according to custom in Cracow Cathedral was not fulfilled, Mathias of Miechów, ccclxxi.

³⁴ Pawiński, A., Míode lata Zygmunta Starego, Warsaw 1871, 248Google Scholar.

³⁵ Mathias of Miechów, ccclxxii.

³⁶ Part of the material was gathered and published by Golab, J., Pogrzeb króla Zygmunta Starego, Cracow 1916Google Scholar.

³⁷ Archives of the Cracow Chapter (AKK), Ada aclorum capitularia, iv, folio 255.

³⁸ The Czartoryski Library, MS 66, no. 77 contains first, a copy from the Acts of Tomicki, fos. 214–18, ed. Golab, Pogrzeb, 13–26; and secondly, a copy by J. C. Albertrandi from the codex of Vatican Library (Lat.) 6841, fos. 201–4. There is also a copy of the Ordo in Munich, Geheimes Staatsarchiv, Konigreich Polen, Kasten schwartz 287, 5–15. It is a carefully made programme of ceremonies probably handed to one of the foreign envoys present at the funeral of Sigismund 1 in Cracow. Cf. Golab, Pogrzeb, 44 ff.

³⁹ M. Frankonius, Nachricht vom todlichen Abgang und Begrabnis Sigismundi I, Cracow 1548, edd. Estreicher, K. & S. in Bibliografia polska, xvi, Cracow 1896Google Scholar (cited as Estreicher, xvi). A Polish translation published by Grabowski, A., Ojczyste spominki, Cracow 1845, i. 4–10Google Scholar, gives a title different from that of Estreicher: Von Christlichen Abschidt aus diesem todlichen lebenn und begrebnus des durchleuchtigistenn Fürstenn und herrn Sigemundtt Könige zu Polen etc. weilandt. Kurtzenn bericht durch Matthiam Franconium, aus dent lattein vertolckett. Gedrückt zu Krockaw durch Jeronymum Scharffenberg, 1548. This title points to the existence of an unknown Latin account which was the basis for the German translation by Frankonius, M.. The Polish and Latin accounts were published by Golab, Pogrzeb, 27–40Google Scholar. The text of the Polish account, Czartoryski Library MS 66, no. 70, fos. 205–11, is a copy of an unknown manuscript which belonged to the library of the king, Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski. Another account of the funeral is thought to be in the Hofarchiv in Vienna: Golab, 46.

⁴⁰ A letter of Queen Bona Sforza to her daughter Isabella dated 2 April 1548, published by Niemcewicz, J. U., Zbiór pamietników historycznych o dawnej Polszcze, Lipsk 1838, iv. 58–64Google Scholar; a letter of 5 April 1548 written by one of the senators who was close to the king, published by J. Golab, Pogrzeb, 46–9, as well as a letter probably written by the canon, Stanislaus Górski, and preserved in a copy in Naruszewicz's Portfolios, Czartoryski Library, MS 66, no. 72.

⁴¹ Orzechowski, S., Annales, ed. Dzialyński, T., Poznań 1854, 14–17Google Scholar; Górnicki, Ł., Dzieie w Koronie Polskiey, Cracow 1637, 15Google Scholar ff.; Bielski, J., Kronika polska, ed. Galazkowski, A., Warsaw 1832, vii. 72–8Google Scholar.

⁴² AKK, iv, fos., 251 v, 255, 257, 270.

⁴³ Distributa pecuniarum in communes necessitates ad funus Sacrae Maiestatxs Regiae A.D. 1548, Archiwum Glowne Akt Dawnych, Treasury Records MS 148; Golab, Pogrzeb, 46.

⁴⁴ Historia funebris in obitu Divi Sigismundi Sarmatiarum regis et ad Sigismundum Augustum filium admonitio, Cracow 1548; ed. Kruczkowski, B., Petri Royzii Maureii Algagnicensis Carmina, Corpus antiquissimorum poetarum Poloniae Latinorum, Cracow 1900, v. 99–117Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ordo coronandi regis Poloniae, ed. Kutrzeba, S., Archives of the Historical Committee AU, Cracow 1910, x. 133–216Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Ż. Pauli, Teki, Jagiellonian Library, MS 5357, x, fo. 61; cf. Golab, 4–8.

⁴⁷ see the letter of 5 April 1548 in Golab, Pogrzeb, 47. ‘They made a high state bed and covered it first with the white sheet and then with cloth of gold which was hanging right down to the ground; next, they placed the king clad in his regalia on the state bed on golden cushions.’

⁴⁸ Giesey, 3 ff.; Chróścicki, Pompa funebris, 125 ff. for terminology connected with the funeral ceremony.

⁴⁹ The new king's reign was reckoned from the moment of his coronation. The whole problem of the vacancy and its significance deserves further study. See Historia Dyplomacji Polskiej, Warsaw 1982Google Scholar, i, ed. M. Biskup, ii, ed. Z. Wójcik.

⁵⁰ Originally the king was identified by a seal or signet ring but later, inscribed plates bearing the name of the king and a text became common: Erlande-Brandenburg, Le Roi est mart, 45. For the text on the plate of Sigismund 1 see Golab, Pogrzeb, 7.

⁵¹ Porzadek i ceremonije przy wyprowadzaniu z Grodna ciata Króla Jegomościa Stefana, i w drodze do Warszawy, a z tamtạd do Łobzowa nad Krakowem, potem do kościoła wielkiego zamku krakowskiego zachowane i pilnie czynione, ed. J. U. Niemcewicz, Zbiór pamiẹtników, ii. 328.

⁵² Golạb, Pogrzeb, 10.

⁵³ Rozek, Groby królewski, 173.

⁵⁴ Radziwill, A. S., Pamiẹtnik 0 dziejach w Polsce, Warsaw 1980, i. 112Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Ibid. Radziwill mentions that two painters painted a picture of the king after his death. A copy of a picture on sheet iron by an unknown artist is now in the Wawel collection.

⁵⁶ The Ordo pompae funebris records the order in which the banners of the Polish kingdom were carried. M. Frankonius also describes them although he somewhat confuses the order. His major contribution lies in his sensitivity to colours, and he supplies information about the colours of the cloths covering the biers and the horses: Ojcyste spominki, i. 8.

⁵⁷ Ordo pompae funebris: Czartoryski Library, MS 66, no. 70, fo. 202, and Opisanie pogrzebu Zygmunta I, ibid., fo. 207.

⁵⁸ The offertory procession made three times during mass was a characteristic feature of the Polish Church before the Council of Trent. See A. Labudda, Liturgia pogrzebu w Polsce do wydania Rytualu Piotrkowskiego, 1631, in Studium historyczno-liturgiczne, Lublin 1979Google Scholar; Catholic University of Lublin Library, MS 379, 223.

⁵⁹ Opisanie pogrzebu Zygmunta, Czartoryski Library, MS 66, no. 70, fo. 208. This interesting source appears to be the only one which provides evidence that members of guilds wore armour on special occasions.

⁶⁰ Ibid.

⁶¹ S. Orzechowski, Annales, 217, revealed that Maciejowski had been reproached for making his speech in Polish in the presence of foreign envoys. The bishop replied that it was proper ‘u t Polonum Regem apud Polonos sermone lauderet Polono'. This tradition of making speeches in Polish during royal funerals is recorded by John Dlugosz, Historia Polonica, iv. 530, who reports that during the funeral mass for Ladislaus Jagiello, Paul of Zator stirred everybody with his Polish sermon.

⁶² The words uttered by the knight falling off his horse were recorded only by the author of the Latin version of the Ordo pompae funebris, Golạb, Pogrzeb, 39.

⁶³ By tradition this was the Hctman, the commander-in-chief of the Polish Army. The Polish account explains that, during the funeral of Sigismund I, the banner was handed ‘to the voivode of Podole…because the Lord of Cracow, the Hctman, carried the crown and the field Hetman was not present': Czartoryski Library, MS 66, no. 70, fo. 210. In later ceremonies it was almost always the Hetman who received the banner from the new King.

⁶⁴ This information comes from the Polish account, whose author must have been close t o the court, for he has much to say about the talks between Sigismund Augustus and the envoys, about a feast given by the king, gifts which the foreign envoys had received and talks with these envoys. The account was written a few days after the funeral as it referred to the departure of the Emperor's envoy on Friday or Saturday 3 or 4 August 1548: Czartoryski Library, MS 66, no. 70, fo.'210.

⁶⁵ See above, pp. 514–17. Maciejowski probably used an account byjanko of Czarnkow copied by Dlugosz, but only describing certain elements in the ceremony; he must have supplemented his Ordo with information from those whose memories extended back to the early sixteenth century. It is quite possible that the text of the Ordo was influenced by the French ceremonial composed in 1515 for the burial of Louis XII and itself based on a text of 1422. French ceremonial reached new levels of development with the funeral of Francis 1, and diplomatic contacts between France and Poland became increasingly frequent. The ambassadors of Francis 1 often came to the court of Sigismund 1. Hieronimo Łaski acted as an envoy to France and Queen Bona tried to arrange the marriage in 1547 of her son to Henry II's sister. See Przeździecki, R., Diplomatic etprotocole à la cour de Pologne, Paris 1934, i, 100Google Scholar ff. The French Ordo could also have reached Poland through contacts with Venice. A surviving description of the funeral of Francis 1 is an Italian text probably prepared for the Venetion envoy present at the funeral, La pompa Funebre et le Essequie del Gia Re Christiannissimo de Francia Primo di queste Nome, Venice 1547Google Scholar. See Giesey, 193 ff.

⁶⁶ After the Partition of Poland in the eighteenth century, the rite was again repeated in Warsaw Cathedral following the death of Czar Alexander 1. The description of that ceremony is evidence of the permanence not only of the rite itself but also of awareness of its symbolic meaning, Chróścicki, Pompa funebris, 87.

⁶⁷ Porzạdek pogrzebu króla Zygmunta Augusta zmarłego in anno 1572, którego ciało pogrzebiono w kościele wielkim krakowskim in anno domini 1574 die 10 Februarji, ed. Niemcewicz, Zbiór pamiėtników, i. 124–40. A nineteenth-century copy from an unknown source is preserved in Ż. Pauli, Teki, Jagiellonian Library, MS 5377, x, fos. 55–8.

⁶⁸ Porzạdek i ceremonije przy wyprowadzaniu z Grodna ciala Króla Jegomościa Stefana, i w drodze do Warszawy, a z tamtạd do Łobzowa nad Krakowem, potem do kościola wielkiego zamku krakowskiego Zachowane i pilnie czynione, ed. Niemcewicz, Zbiór pamiẹtników, ii. 322–9.

⁶⁹ For the funeral of Sigismund Augustus see AKK, vi, fos. 277v-278v; Pauli, Teki, x, fos. 61–2; Pamiẹtnik sandosmierski, Warsaw 1830, vii. 448–56; Orzelski, S., Bezkrólewia ksiag ośmioro 1572–76, ed. Kunze, E., Scriptores rerum Polonicarum, Cracow 1917, xxii. 168–71Google Scholar; M. Bielski, Kronika polska, in Zbiór pisarzy polskich, pt. vi, Warsaw 1832, xviii. 200–2Google Scholar; Les Obseqves et funéraille de Sigismond Auguste, Roy de Pologne, dernier defunct. Plus l’ Entrée, sacre et Covronnement de Henry, à present Roy de Pologne. Le tout faict à Cracovie…et recitée par Vne lettre missiue d'un Gentilhomme Francoys, A Paris, par Denis du Pré 1574, Estreicher, xviii. 106; ibid. 105 for French and German accounts of this funeral. For Stephen Batory see Kronika mieszczanina krakowskiego z lat 1575–1595, ed. H. Barycz, Cracow 1930, 60–4; S. Reszka, Diarium 1583–1589, ed. Czubek, J. in Archiwum do dziejów literatury i oświaty w Polsce, Cracow 1915, xv. pt. i, 217–19Google Scholar; Pogrzeb króla Stefana Batorego dn. 23 maja 1588, ed. Grabowski, A. in Starożytności histotyczne polskie, Cracow 1840, i. 68–73Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Diarium Comitiorum a 1633 funeralis Sigismundi III, coronatio Vladislai iv Regum descripta, Czartoryski Library, MS 366, fos. 421–526: A. Grabowski, Dziennik przeprowadzenia cial króla Zygmunta III i królowej Konstyncji do Krakowa oraz pogrzebu ich tamże R. 1633, in Ojczyste spominki, Cracow 1845, i. 63–7; Akl koronacyi króla Imci Wladyslawa iv roku 1633 in ibid., 68–74; P. Piasecki, Chronica Gestorum in Europa singularium, Cracow 1645, 545 ff. Information regarding the funeral of Ladislaus iv is in Ossoliński Library, MS 189, fos. 195–7; W. Rudawski, Historja polska od śmierci Wladyslawa iv aż do pokoju Oliwskiego, translated W. Spasowicz, Petersburg, 1855, 59 ff.; S. Temberski, Annales 1647–1658, ed. W. Czermak in Scriptores rerum Polonicarum, Cracow 1897, xvi; W. Kochowski, Annalium Poloniae ab obitu Vladislai iv. Climacter primus, Cracow 1683, 99 ff. See also Radziwill, op. cit. (n. 54), 1632–6, i. 113–379 and 1647–56, iii. 170.

⁷¹ Dzieje w manuskrypcie Maskiewicza od r. 1672 do 1676, in Czartoryski Library, MS 1666, fos. 493–8; Opisanie wjozdu JKmci do miasta stolecznego Krakowa na koronacje w 1676 r., in Ossoliński Library, MS 337, fos. 1–4; Jemilowski, M., Pamiẹtnik objemujacy dzieje Polski od r. 1648 do 1679, ed. Bielowski, A., Lvov 1956, 248–55Google Scholar.

⁷² Kuryer Polski, no. 192, 1733, 478. For descriptions of the ceremonies of 1734, the entrance of Augustus ni Wettin to Cracow and his coronation together with the double funeral of John iii Sobieski and Augustus ii Wettin, see Rożek, M., ‘Ostatnia koronacja w Krakowie i jej artystyczna oprawa’, Rocznik krakowski xlvi (1973), 97–112Google Scholar and Groby kŕolewskie, 91 ff. A general survey of the later royal funerals in Cracow and of various European court ceremonies may be found in Lünig, J. G., Theatrum ceremoniale Historico-politicum oder Historisch und Politischer Schauplatz Aller Ceremonien, Leipzig 1720, ii. 579Google Scholar, 592, 650.

⁷³ The oldest illustrations are fourteenth- and fifteenth-century illuminations of the legend of St Hedwig depicting her at the catafalque with the body of her husband, Henry the Bearded, Legenda ślạska, ed. T. Wạsowicz, Wroclaw etc. 1967, plate 18. For royal sarcophagi see Skubiszewski, P., Rzeżba nagrobna Wila Stwosza, Warsaw 1957Google Scholar; Keblowski, J., Pomniki Piastów ślạskich w dobie średniowiecza, Wroclaw 1971Google Scholar. Funeral pamphlets are dealt with by Chróścicki, Pompa funebris. A collection of graphics in the Czartoryski Museum, pressmark XV-R 6964, XV-R 6965 contains an engraving of the entrance of John III Sobieski and of the double funeral ofJohn Casimir and Michael Korybut Wiśniowiecki and is a fragment of the publication entitle d Relation des prächtigen Einzugs Ihre Königl. Maiestät in Pohlen zu Crakau den 30 Januarii in 1676 gchalten.

⁷⁴ Rożek, Groby króltwskie, 171–216.

⁷⁵ Porzạdek i ceremonije przy wyprowadzaniu z Grodna ciala Króla Jegomości Stefana, 224.

⁷⁶ M. Golinski, Diariusz, in Czartoryski Library, MS 1320, fo. 194 and Acts 1630–1633, ibid., MS 366, fo. 431. For a detailed description of the Baroque setting of all seventeenth- century ceremonies, see Rożek, Groby królewskie, 74 ff. and Katedra wawelska w XVII w, Cracow 1980, 19Google Scholar ff.

⁷⁷ Acts from 1630–1633, Czartoryski Library, MS 366, fo. 439.

⁷⁸ Representatives of the Uniate clergy had already taken part in the funeral of Anne Jagiellon in November 1595, G. P. Mucante, Diariusz, ed. J. U. Niemcewicz, Zbiór pamietników, ii. 125. The participation of Ruthenian bishops in the funeral of Sigismund HI and Queen Constance resulted from pressure by the papal nuncio in face of opposition from the Cracow Chapter. See P. Piasecki, Chronica Ceslorum, 546.

⁷⁹ For descriptions and photographs of projected designs see Rożek, Groby królewskie, 79 ff.; Chróścicki, 95 ff. Splendid Baroque funerals were typical of the whole of contemporary Europe and characteristic of the Habsburgs: see Brückner, Bildnis und Brauch, 37 ff. The influence of royal ceremonies on the aristocracy and higher clergy was already apparent in Poland in the sixteenth century. See the descriptions of the funerals in 1591 ofjohn castellan of Tarnów and Peter, bishop of Cracow, both of the Myszkowski family, Kronika mieszczanina krakowskiego, 90 ff.; S. Orzechowski, Życie i śmierć Jana Tarnowskiego, ed. J. Starnawski, Wroclaw 1972, 276 ff.; Lipiński, T., ‘Dawne obrzẹdy pogrzebowe’. Biblioteka Warszawska, 1844, i. 204–8Google Scholar; Bystori, J. S., Dzieje obyczajów w dawnej Polsce, wiek XVI-XVIII, Warsaw 1976Google Scholar, ii. 111 ff.

⁸⁰ B. Miodońska, ‘Przedstawienie państwa polskiego w Statucie Łaskiego z r. 1506’, Folia historiae v (1968), 38 ff.

⁸¹ The doctrine of the double nature of king and crown, widespread in the thirteenth century, is discussed by E. H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, Princeton 1957.

⁸² M. Bielski, Kronika Polska, Sandomierz 1856, iii. 1207.

⁸³ Pogrzeb krola Stefana Batorego…Starożytności histotyczne, i. 71 ; Kronika mieszczanina krakowskiego, 61.

⁸⁴ S. Reszka (1544–1600), Diarium 1583–1589, 218.

⁸⁵ Du Cange, Glossarium, iv. 283; B. Linde, Slownik jezyka polskiego, Lvov 1857, iii. 600.

⁸⁶ Giesey, 80 f.

⁸⁷ Ibid., 99.

⁸⁸ J. Dtugosz, Historia Polonica, iv. 127. For examples attesting to the continuity of this custom in the sixteenth and seventeenth enturies, see Rożek, Katedra wawelska, 98 ff.

⁸⁹ Akt koronacji króla Imci Wladyslawa iv … Ojczyste spominki, i. 69.

⁹⁰ J. Olugosz, Annales seu Cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, ed. Z. Budkowa etc., liber ix, Warsaw 1978, 208.

⁹¹ ‘Ipsum vero feretrum inter fontem et sepulchrum divi Stanislai statuetur': J. Golab, 19.

⁹² Kronika mieszczanina krakowskiego, 165 ff.

⁹³ Niemcewicz, Zbiór pamiėtników, i. 127.

⁹⁴ Dziennik przeprowadzenia ciał, 65. Similarly, Porzạdek pogrzebu Zygmunta Augusta stated that ‘the church must not be entered by any participants in the procession except the vicars of Cracow Cathedral, canons, abbots, bishops, archbishops and other persons of importance who are allowed to do so’: Niemcewicz, i. 126.

⁹⁵ Gieysztor, Spektakl i liturgia, 15.

⁹⁶ Ibid., 20 ff.

⁹⁷ Ruiz de Moros, 107.

⁹⁸ Ibid., 110f.

⁹⁹ Ibid., 111.

¹⁰⁰ Radziwill, iii. 170.

¹⁰¹ Ruiz de Moros, 111.

¹⁰² Ibid.

¹⁰³ Piasecki, Chronica Gestorum, 525, wrote in his description of the funeral of Sigis-mund in, ‘mos enim est isti genti non humare defunctum Regem nisi alio electo, proximo post funebria die coronando’. The case of a coronation being held before a funeral occurred only twice in Poland in the sixteenth century. Sigismund Augustus was crowned ‘vivente rege’ on 20 February 1530, Sigismund m was crowned by his supporters in 1587 during the civil war with supporters of Archduke Maximilian Habsburg when it was not possible t o bring the body of Stephen Batory from Grodno where he had died to Cracow. This funeral took place after the war ended, on 23 May 1588, in the presence of Sigismund in. Thejuxtaposition of these dates reveals continuity of custom in arranging funerals before coronations dating back to the fifteenth century. Ladislaus HI of Varna was crowned on 25 July 1434 after his father's burial on 18 June 1434. From 1633 onwards a custom was established to arrange the funeral a day before the coronation. Hence,’ cst autem mos apud nos, pridie coronationis novi regis, funus et sepulturam defuncti regis praemitti et regem novum eidem pompae funerali adesse’, M. Zalaszowski, Ius Regni Poloniae ex statutis et constitutionibus eiusdem Regni et M.L. Ds colleclum, Posnan 1702, i. 394.

¹⁰⁴ This is a seventeenth-century translation of Piasccki, Chronica Gestorum, 545, ‘Electus rex non potest exercere functiones Regias antcquam coronaretur’. Pamiėtniki do panowania, i. 203.

¹⁰⁵ Opisanie pogrzebu Zygmunta I: Czartoryski Library, MS 66, no. 70, fo. 210.

¹⁰⁶ Ada from 1630–1633, the Czartoryski Library, MS 366, fo. 439.

¹⁰⁷ Kochowski, W., Annalium Poloniae ab obitu Vladislai iv. Climacter primus, Cracow 1683Google Scholar. The symbol of the Phoenix, reborn from the ashes of its ancestors, was on the medal struck to commemorat e the day on which Louis xiv began to reign in France: Giesey, 193.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 79, 140; W. Bruckner, ‘Ross und Reiter’, 176. The funeral ceremonies of Hungarian sovereign s shared man y features in common with French and Polish custom s in the sixteenth century. The ceremonies were describe d by a participant in the funeral of Joh n Sigismund Zapolya in a letter to Sophie Jagiellon dated 10 June 1571, ed. Przezdziecki, A., Jagiellonki polskie w XVI w., Cracow 1868, iii. 184Google Scholar f.

¹⁰⁹ M. Rożek, Groby królewskie, 84 ff. and Katedra wawelska, 23 f.