¹ Mollat, Guillaume, Les Papes d'Avignon, 1305–1378, Paris 1949, 30–2Google Scholar; Renouard, Yves, La Papauté à Avignon, Paris 1954 Google Scholar, trans. as The Avignon papacy, London 1970, 20–1Google Scholar; Guillemain, Bernard, La Cour pontificale d'Avignon, 1309–1376: étude d'une société, Paris 1966, 129–30Google Scholar; Denton, Jeffrey, ‘Pope Clement v's early career as a royal clerk’, EHR lxxxxiii (1968), 303–14Google Scholar; Trabut-Cussac, Jean-Paul, L'Administration anglaise en Gascogne sous Henry III et Edouard I de 1254 à 1307, Geneva 1972, 131 Google Scholar; Denton, Jeffrey, Robert Winchelsey and the Crown, 1294–1313: a study in the defence of ecclesiastical liberty, Cambridge 1980, 219–20Google Scholar; Wright, Robert, The Church and the English Crown, 1305–1334, Toronto 1980, 168 Google Scholar; Zutshi, Patrick N. R., ‘Some early letters of Pope Clement v (1305–14) in the Public Record Office’, Archiv für Diplomatik xxxiii (1987), 323–5Google Scholar, and ‘The letters of the Avignon popes (1305–1378): a source for the study of Anglo-papal relations and of English ecclesiastical history’, in Jones, Michael and Vale, Malcolm (eds), England and her neighbours,1066–1453: essays in honour of Pierre Chaplais, London–Ronceverte 1989, 259–75Google Scholar; Prestwich, M., Edward I, London 1988, 532–3Google Scholar; Menache, Sophia, Clement V, Cambridge 1998, 9–30 Google Scholar; Favier, Jean, Les Papes d'Avignon, Poitiers 2006, 50–1Google Scholar.

² Wright, The Church, 169.

³ Ibid. 169–71. See Tout, Frederick-Thomas and Johnstone, Hilda, The place of the reign of Edward II in English history, Manchester 1936, 230–33Google Scholar; Pantin, William A., The English Church in the fourteenth century, Cambridge 1955, 77 Google Scholar; and McKisack, May, The fourteenth century, 1307–1399, Oxford 1959, 283–5Google Scholar.

⁴ Zutshi, ‘The letters of the Avignon popes’, 263–5; Heath, Peter, Church and realm: 1272–1461: conflict and collaboration in an age of crises, London 1988, 65, 91–2Google Scholar. Similarly, Seymour Phillips recently argued that ‘for most of his reign Edward ii had been on good terms with both the English Church and the papacy’: Edward II, New Haven–London 2010, 448–51Google Scholar.

⁵ Phillips, Edward II, 238–79.

⁶ Vale, Malcolm, The Angevin legacy and the Hundred Years War, 1250–1340, Oxford 1990, 218–26Google Scholar.

⁷ Ibid. 228.

⁸ Ibid; Phillips, Edward II, 247. See also Cuttino, George P., English diplomatic administration, 1259–1339, Oxford 1940, 12–15 Google Scholar; Brown, Elizabeth A. R., ‘Gascon subsidies and the finances of the English dominions, 1315–1324’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History viii (1971), 34–153 Google Scholar, and ‘Diplomacy, adultery, and domestic politics at the court of Philip the Fair: Queen Isabelle's mission to France’, in Hamilton, Jeffrey (ed.), Documenting the past: essays in medieval history presented to G. P. Cuttino, Woodbridge 1989, 53–83 Google Scholar.

⁹ Wright, The Church, 101–2, 125–8. Bernard Guillemain also emphasised that very few English curialists were appointed and present at Avignon in the early fourteenth century; Clement v in fact only appointed one English auditor of causes, while the largest number of English curialists was appointed during the pontificate of John xxii: La Cour pontificale, 451–79.

¹⁰ Brief mentions of the letters sent from France to Edward ii by his representatives are made in Langlois, Charles V., ‘Le Fonds de l'ancient correspondence au Public Record Office de Londres’, Journal des Savants iii (1904), 446–53Google Scholar, and ‘Notices et documents relatifs a l'histoire du xiiie et du xive siècle’, Revue historique lxxxvii (1905), 76–9Google Scholar.

¹¹ TNA, C 70/3, mem. 6–12r, v. Some of these petitions have been edited in Foedera, conventiones, litterae et cuiuscunque generis acta publica inter reges Anglie et alios quosvis, ed. Rymer, T. and Sanderson, R., ii/1, London 1816–30Google Scholar.

¹² TNA, SC 7/56/3; Foedera, ii/1, 254.

¹³ SC 1/55/47 (appendix 1 below); SC1/34/176 (appendix 2 below). See Langlois, ‘Le Fonds’, 446–53, and ‘Notices et documents’, 76–9.

¹⁴ Acta Aragonensia: Quellen zur deutschen, italienischen, französischen, spanischen, zur Kichen- und Kulturgeschichte aus der diplomatischen Korrespondenz Jaymes II. (1291–1327), ed. Finke, Heinrich, Berlin–Leipzig 1908, i, nos 131–49, at pp. 200–31Google Scholar. See also Guillaume Mollat, ‘L’Élection du pape Jean xxii’, Revue d'histoire de l’Église de France (1910), repr. i (1967), 147–66.

¹⁵ Gratian, Decretum, D. 23 c. 1.

¹⁶ X 1.6.6. Bagliani, Agostino Paravicini, Il trono di Pietro: l'universalità de papato da Alessandro III a Bonifacio VIII, Rome 1996, 13–18 Google Scholar; Melloni, Alberto, Il conclave: storia dell'elezione del Papa, Bologna 2001, 19–43 Google Scholar.

¹⁷ X 1.6.42. Ultimately, in 1234, both Licet de vitanda and Quia propter were received into the Liber Extra, the collection of decretals commissioned by Gregory ix. The three kinds of voting are also listed in Bernard of Parma's Glossa ordinaria on Licet de vitanda, printed with the Liber Extra, Paris 1529, fo. 37, as well as in Goffredus de Trano, Summa in titulis decretalium, Venice 1564, fo. 5rab. See also Herde, Peter, ‘Election and abdication of the pope: practice and doctrine in the thirteenth century’, in Kuttner, Stephan and Pennington, Kenneth (eds), Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Vatican City 1985, 411–36Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Paravicini Bagliani, Il trono di Pietro, 15. See also Franchi, Antonino, Il conclave di Viterbo (1268–1271) e le sue origini, Ascoli Piceno 1993, 23–4Google Scholar.

¹⁹ This was the case of the election of Innocent iv after Celestine iv's death (10 November 1241–25 June 1243); the election of Clement iv after Urban iv's death (1264–5, four months); and the election of Gregory x after Clement iv's death, which took thirty-three months (1268–71). See Porcher, Jean, ‘Lettres émanant de la cour pontificale à l’époque du conclave de Viterbe (1270–1272)’, Melanges d'archéologie et d'histoire de l'Ecole Française de Rome lx (1923), 123–34Google Scholar; Franchi, Il conclave di Viterbo; Gatto, Luigi, ‘Il conclave di Viterbo nella storia della elezioni pontificie del “200”’, in Atti del convegno di studio: VII centenario del I conclave (1268–1271), Viterbo 1975, 37–62 Google Scholar; and Bagliani, Agostino Paravicini, ‘Versi duecenteschi su un conclave del secolo xiii ’, in Miscellanea G. G. Meersseman, Padua 1970, i. 151–69Google Scholar.

²⁰ These were: in 1281 (Martin iv's election); in 1288 (Nicholas iv's election); and in 1294 (Celestine v's election).

²¹ VI 1.6.3. See also Paravicini Bagliani, Il trono, 16–18, and Il corpo del papa, Turin 1994, 218–20; and Melloni, Il conclave, 45–4.

²² Fornaseri, Giovanni, ‘Il conclave Perugino del 1304–1305’, Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia x (1956), 321–44Google Scholar; Nessi, Silvestro, Il conclave di Perugia (1304–1305), Perugia 2010 Google Scholar.

²³ Clement 1.3.2. See also Paravicini Bagliani, Il corpo del papa, 220–3.

²⁴ Mollat, Les Papes, 38, and ‘L’Élection’, 151.

²⁵ Idem, Étude critique sur les ‘Vitae paparum Avenionensium’ d’É. Baluze, Paris 1917, 86–101 Google Scholar.

²⁶ ‘Fuerunt ergo diu in tali discordia, licet inclusi multa incommoda sustinerent, quia cibaria eorum subtrahebantur et domus eorum desuper dissipate’: Vitae paparum Avenionensium, ed. Baluze, É., new edn, ed. Mollat, G., Paris 1914–17, i. 107Google Scholar.

²⁷ Mollat, Les Papes, 37–40.

²⁸ ‘Nam nunc volens Ecclesiam reducere ad angulum Vasconie, talia que scimus pro certo conceperat et iam ordinaverat quod vere se ipsum, si complesset, et ecclesiam destruxisset’: Vitae paparum Avenionensium, ii, no. xliii, at p. 238. On Napoleone Orsini see Barone, Giulia, ‘Orsini, Napoleone’, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, lxxix, Rome 2013, 677–81Google Scholar.

²⁹ ‘Tu prae omnibus, Urse, ne degradati collegae, perpetuo remanerent inglorii; et illi, ut militantis Ecclesiae veneranda insignia, quae forsan non emeriti sed immeriti coacti posuerant, Apostolici Culminis auctoritate resumerent. Tu quoque, Transtiberinae sectator factionis alterius, ut ira defuncti Antistitis in te velut ramus insitionis in trunco non suo frondesceret, quasi triumphatam Carthaginem nondum exueras, illustrium Scipionum patriae potuisti hunc animum sine ulla tui iudicii contradictione praeferre?’: Alighieri, Dante, ‘Epistola viii ’, in Aligherii, Dantis Epistolae, ed. Toynbee, P., Oxford 1966, § 10, 139–41Google Scholar. See also Cronica di Giovanni Villani, ed. Dragomanni, G. F., ii, Firenze 1845, ix. cxxxvi, at p. 234Google Scholar.

³⁰ Fornaseri, ‘Il conclave Perugino’, 328, 343; Nessi, Il conclave di Perugia, 45–57.

³¹ Vitae paparum Avenionensium, ii, no. xliii, at p. 239.

³² ‘Hic dominus Guillermus, Dei gratia episcopus Penestrinus, de quo nos populus et clerus credidimus quod statim Vascones acceptarent sine aliqua questione. Propter quod tantam resistentiam reperientes stupuimus, nec apud nos huiusmodi resistentie reperire possumus causam, nisi forte, quod absit, crediderint aliqui premissos defuncti continuare defectus’: ibid. ii, no. xliii, at p. 240.

³³ ‘Nec credo nunc sapientiam regiam fore nocivam’: ibid. ii, no. xliii, at p. 240:. See also Fornaseri, ‘Il conclave Perugino’, 328, 343. Dante Alighieri (‘Epistola viii’, § 11, 142), also blames the Gascons for the delayed papal election in 1314: ‘et ut Vasconum Latinorum gloriam sibi usurpare contendunt, per saecula cuncta future sit posteris in exemplum’.

³⁴ C 70/3, mem. 12v; Foedera, ii/1, 247–8. See also Vale, The Angevin legacy, 170.

³⁵ ‘ad provisionem canonicam, per consensum unanimem, et electionem concordem, sine more dispendio procedatis’: C 70/3, mem. 12v; Foedera, ii/1, 249. See also Housley, Norman, The Avignon papacy and the crusades, 1305–1378, Oxford 1986, 14–15 Google Scholar.

³⁶ ‘Totis conatibus laboretis, et dictos confratres vestros, quantum ad vos pertinent, modis et viis licitis inducatis, ut, per electionem canonicam, provideatur celeriter de pastore’: C 70/3, mem. 12v; Foedera, ii/1, 249–50.

³⁷ C 70/3, mem. 11v; Foedera, ii/1, 251. On this matter see also Gascon rolls preserved in the Public Record Office, 1307–1317, ed. Renouard, Y., London 1962, no. 688, at p. 193Google Scholar; no. 877, at p. 241.

³⁸ Parravicini Bagliani has pointed out that, from the fourteenth century, during papal vacancies papal powers were passed on to the cardinals and especially to the camerarius, who was not normally a cardinal, and the major penitentiary: Il corpo del papa, 221–3.

³⁹ SC 7/56/3; Foedera, ii/1, 254. On the verso of the letter it is still possible to see traces of five mandola red wax seals, namely the seals of the five cardinals who issued the letter. The only Italian cardinal who is not mentioned among the senders of the letter is Iacopo Stefaneschi. The copy preserved at TNA is the only surviving original of this letter.

⁴⁰ Fornaseri emphasised the hostility between Napoleone Orsini and Iacopo Stefaneschi, a former supporter of Pope Boniface viii, during the conclave in Perugia in 1304–5: ‘Il conclave Perugino’, 330–1. See also Barone, ‘Orsini, Napoleone’, 679.

⁴¹ ‘et nos cardinales Italici non querentes quae nostra sunt, sed quae Dei, neglectis singularibus affectionibus reciprocis in nosipsos, peteremus hominem ad sustentandas columpnas ecclesie, qui dictam ecclesiam reformando dirigeret, essetque in hoc tantum omnis nostra cura, omnis intentio, hic affectus’: SC 7/56/3; Foedera, ii/1, 254.

⁴² ‘Vascones, seu quod libram examinis sub futuro summo pontifice, teste conscientia, formidarent, seu quod armorum violentia crederent, hereditario iure, Dei sanctuarium possidere’: ibid.

⁴³ ‘multitudo Vasconum armatorum, hostium conclavis obsedit, acclamando “Moriantur cardinales Italici, moriantur, volumus Papam, volumus Papam”’: ibid.

⁴⁴ Vitae paparum Avenionensium, ii, no. xlii, at pp. 234–7.

⁴⁵ Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 131, at pp. 200–2.

⁴⁶ ‘Et licet secundum statutum in urbe qua moritur papa debeat electio celebrari; tamen Italici omnino discordabant, volentes quod electio ad curiam Romanam transferretur et alii alibi. Ideo sunt dispersi’: Vitae paparum Avenionensium, i. 107.

⁴⁷ Brown, ‘Gascon subsidies’, 72–3.

⁴⁸ SC 1/55/47; Langlois, Documents relatives, 77–8 n. 2. The second part of this document is confusingly published in Langlois, Le Fonds, 450, as a separate document. See appendix 1 below.

⁴⁹ Appendix 1.

⁵⁰ SC 1/34/176; Langlois, Le Fonds, 450–1. See appendix 2 below.

⁵¹ Vitae paparum Avenionensium, ii, no. xliv, at pp. 241–4.

⁵² Ibid. ii, no. xliv, at p. 242. Most interestingly, Philip iv maintained that his advisers were learned in both laws (‘in utroque iure periti’), clearly implying that moving the conclave to another place in France would have meant overruling the canonical constitutions on papal elections, Ubi periculum and Ne Romani, where it was stated that the conclave had to meet in the papal palace, or in another residence if the pope had died in another location, or ultimately in the place where the audientia litterarum contradictarum was located at the time of the pope's death. Equally, these canonistic rules would have also excluded holding the conclave at Lyons.

⁵³ Treaty rolls preserved in the Public Record Office, i, ed. Chaplais, P., London 1955, 214–22Google Scholar, esp. nos 539–49, at pp. 214–17 (formerly part of C 70/3).

⁵⁴ Bombi, Barbara, ‘The Roman rolls of Edward ii as a source of administrative and diplomatic practice in the early fourteenth century’, Historical Research lxxxv (2012), 607–8Google Scholar. See also Treaty rolls, 211–17.

⁵⁵ C 70/3, mem. 11v; Foedera, ii/1, 257–8.

⁵⁶ C 70/3, mem. 10; Foedera, ii/1, 258, and Treaty rolls, no. 536, at p. 210; Foedera, ii/1, 259.

⁵⁷ Brown, ‘Gascon subsidies’, 73–102; Phillips, Edward II, 247–8. See also Treaty rolls, nos 539–46, at pp. 214–16.

⁵⁸ C 70/3, mem. 8; Foedera, ii/1, 277; C 70/3, mem. 10; Foedera, ii/1, 278–9.

⁵⁹ Fasti Ecclesiasiae Anglicane, 1300–1541, vi, London 1963, 3 Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ C 70/3, mem. 8. A second petition on the same matter was addressed to Bérenger Frédol, papal penitentiary and regent during the papal vacancy. See appendix 3 below.

⁶¹ See Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 147–66.

⁶² Acta Aragonensia, i, nos 132–4, at pp. 202–6.

⁶³ Ibid. i, no. 134, at pp. 204–6.

⁶⁴ Lehugeur, Joseph, Histoire de Philippe le Long, roi de France (1316–1322), Paris 1897, 24–6Google Scholar. See also Henricus Rebdorfensis, Annales imperatorum et paparum, 1294–1362, in Heinricus de Diessenhofen und andere Geschichtsquellen Deutschlands in späteren Mittelalter, ed. Bohmer, J. F. (Fontes rerum Germanicarum, iv, 1868), 553 Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Vitae paparum Avenionensium, i. 114, 115, 152–3. Bernard Gui's Vita tertia is included in the Flores chronicorum and was written in seven recensions between 1305 and 1328. See also Mollat, Étude critique, 22–30, and ‘L’Élection’, 148–9. On Philip of Poitier's mission to Avignon see also Les Grandes Chroniques de France, ed. Viard, J., viii, Paris 1934, ch. vi, 327Google Scholar; Heinricus de Diessenhofen und andere Geschichtsquellen, ch. i, 16; and de Burton, Thomas, Chronica monasterii de Melsa, ed. Bond, A. (Rolls Series xliii/2, 1867), 318 Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Istore et chroniques de Flandres, ed. de Lettenhove, K., i, Brussels 1879, 306–7Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long, 25.

⁶⁸ Matthia Nuewenburgensis, Cronica, 1273–1350, in Heinricus de Diessenhofen und andere Geschichtsquellen Deutschlands,190; Ferretius Vicentinius, Historia, in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. L. A. Muratori, ix, Mediolani 1726, cols 1166–9. On Jacques Duèse see Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 63. See also Weakland, John E., ‘John xxii before his pontificate, 1244–1316: Jacques Duèse and his family’, Archivum Historiae Pontificiae x (1972), 164–8Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 135, at pp. 206–7.

⁷⁰ Heinricus de Diessenhofen, 16; Istore et chroniques de Flandres, 307–8; Thomas de Burton, Chronica, 318.

⁷¹ Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 136, at pp. 207–08. See also Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 150–1.

⁷² On the constitutions see nn. 21–2 above. See also Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 151–2.

⁷³ Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 137, at pp. 208–10. See also Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 152–3.

⁷⁴ Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 137, at pp. 210–11.

⁷⁵ Ibid. i, no. 138, at pp. 211–12. Mollat, Vita tertia, 153: ‘tandem tractatu perhabito … omnes partes consensierunt’. This source also tells us that there were twenty-three cardinals present at the election. The same wording is to be found in Mollat, Vita quarta, 169; a very similar, although shorter account, in Mollat, Vita quinta, 172, and Vita sexta, 178. There is no mention of the divisions in the conclave in Mollat, Vita secunda, and Vita septima. See also Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 147–59. See also Renouard, The Avignon papacy, 25, and Favier, Les Papes d'Avignon, 121–6.

⁷⁶ Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 139, at pp. 212–13.

⁷⁷ Ibid. i, no. 141, at pp. 215–16.

⁷⁸ Cronica di Giovanni Villani, II, lib. IX, ch. lxxxi, at pp. 198–9. Equally, the Annales Florentini, 1288–1431, in Heinricus de Diessenhofen und andere Geschichtsquellen Deutschlands, 676, argue that Jacques d'Euse voted for himself.

⁷⁹ ‘per ordinate modo secondo i decretali’: Cronica di Giovanni Villani, II, lib. IX, ch. lxxxi, 199. John xxii recalled the nature of his election in a letter addressed to the archbishop of Reims on 5 September 1316: Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Jean XXII, ed. Coulon, A., Paris 1943, i, no. 2, cols 5–6Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 141, at p. 215.

⁸¹ Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 154–8.

⁸² Ferretius Vicentinius, Historia, cols 1166–7; Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 159. See n. 80 above.

⁸³ Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 163. See also Weakland, ‘John xxii’, 164–8; Pécout, Thierry, ‘Jacques Duèze, éveque de Fréjus (1300–1310)’, in Théry, Julien (ed.), Jean XXII et le Midi, Toulouse 2012, 53–82 Google Scholar; Pécout, Thierry, ‘Fréjus, ses èveques et les comtes angevins autour de 1300: l’épiscopat de Jacques Duèze’, in Boyer, Jean-Paul and Pécout, T., La Provence et Fréjus sous la première maison d'Anjou 1246–1382, Aix-en-Provence 2010, 93–120 Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Mollat, ‘L’Élection’, 161, 168. See also Armand Jamme, ‘Les Couronnements lyonnais de Clément v et de Jean xxii: imperium pontifical et monarchie française’, in Lyon, de l'empire au royaume (Colloque international organisé par le Ciham et le GDR Capétiens autour du rattachement de la ville de Lyon à la France 7e centenaire du Traité de Vienne, 27–29 September 2012), forthcoming.

⁸⁵ On the dispatch of the news concerning John xxii's election through the Bardi see Wardrobe Book 10 Edward ii (1316–17), Society of Antiquaries, London, ms 120, fo. 48; Gage, John, ‘A brief summary of the Wardrobe accounts of the tenth, eleventh and fourteenth years of King Eduard the Second, contained in the letter addresses by Thomas Stapleton’, Archaelogia xlviii (1885), 281–4Google Scholar; and Catalogue of manuscripts in the Society of Antiquaries of London, ed. Willetts, P. J., London 2000, 56 Google Scholar. See also Phillips, Edward II, 284 n. 22.

⁸⁶ C 70/3, mem. 6–7; Foedera, ii/1, 294–5. In one of these petitions, dated 20 August 1316, Edward ii recommended the promotion of Geffrey of Aylesham to the archbishopric of Cashel before his proctor at the papal curia, Andrea Sapiti, asking him to represent his candidate before the pope. The Aragonese Crown also resumed petitioning the curia soon after John xxii's election: Acta Aragonensia, i, no. 140, at pp. 21–214; nos 142–4, at pp. 217–22.

⁸⁷ Jean XXII (1316–1334): lettres communes, ed. G. Mollat, Paris 1904, no 4891; C 70/3, mem. 10v; Foedera, ii/1, 297. According to Robert Wright, Arnaud de Pellegrue was one of the closest cardinals to the English Crown during Edward ii's reign: The Church, 310.

⁸⁸ C 70/3, mem. 5; Phillips, Edward II, 284–6.

⁸⁹ Phillips, Seymour, Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke, 1307–1324: baronial politics in the reign of Edward II, Oxford 1972, 107–11Google Scholar, and Edward II, 284–7; Zanke, Sebastian, Johannes XXII., Avignon und Europa: das politische Papsttum im Spiegel der kurialen Register (1316–1334), Leiden–Boston 2013, 214–22Google Scholar. See also Bombi, Barbara, ‘Andrea Sapiti: his origins, and his register as a curial proctor’, EHR cd (2008), 134 Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ See n. 50 above and appendix 2 below.

⁹¹ Phillips, Aymer de Valence, 107; Zanke (Johannes XXII., 222) agrees with Philips on the changing nature of the earl of Pembroke's mission to Avignon, which aimed at enlisting papal aid against the Scots and other urgent domestic problems. However, he disagrees on the lasting legacy of this mission, which has been discounted by Phillips as having ‘little permanent value’.

* Superscript.

† Superscript.