¹ The standard work is still Gustav Strakosch-Grassmann, Der Einfall der Mongolen in Mitteleuropa in den Jahren 1241 und 1242, Innsbruck 1893Google Scholar. See also Saunders, J.J., The History of the Mongol Conquests, London 1971, 84–9;Google ScholarChambers, James, The Devil's Horsemen, 2nd edn, London 1988, chs vii–viii;Google ScholarCheshire, Harold T., ‘The great Tartar invasion of Europe’, Slavonic Review v (1926–1927), 89–105;Google ScholarPashuto, V. T., ‘Mongol'skii pokhod v glub’ Evropy', in Tikhvinskii, S. L. (ed.), Tataro-Mongoly v Azii i Evrope. Sbornik statei, 2nd edn, Moscow 1977, 210–27Google Scholar. For Western reactions, see Bezzola, Gian Andri, Die Mongolen in abendlÄndischer Sicht: ein Beitrag zur Frage der Völkerbegegnungen (1220–1270), Berne and Munich 1974, 66–109.Google Scholar

² H.E., Mayer, The Crusades, 2nd edn, Oxford 1988, 269, for example, mentions only the invasion. See Jonathan Riley Smith, The Crusades: A short history, London 1987, 164–5, for a brief reference to the crusade against the MongolsGoogle Scholar. Michel, Villey, La Croisade: Essai sur la formation d'une theorie juridique, Paris 1942, 216Google Scholar, makes a fleeting reference to the Mongols in his discussion of the crusade in north-eastern Europe.

³ Maureen Purcell, Papal Crusading Policy 1244–1291, Leiden 1975, esp. 67–9, 88–91.

⁴ Nikolaus, Paulus, Geschichte des Ablasses im Mittelalter vom Ursprunge bis zjur Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts, Paderborn 1922–1923, ii. 26–7, 35Google Scholar. The fullest account of the crusade is in Strakosch-Grassmann, Der Einfall, 129–39.Google Scholar

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⁶ On the crusade preached against the Mongols in Syria in 1260, see Jean Richard, ‘The Mongols and the Franks’ Journal of Asian History iii (1969), 51Google Scholar; on the background, Jackson, Peter, ‘The crisis in the Holy Land in 1260’, EHR xcv (1980), 488, 509–10.Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid. 481–90. For an example of the older view, see Denis Sinor, ‘The Mongols and Western Europe’, in Hazard, H. W. (ed.), A History of the Crusades iii: The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Madison, Wis. 1975, 519, repr. in Denis Sinor, Inner Asia and its Contacts with Medieval Europe, London, 1977.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Constantin Hbfler (ed.), Albert von Beham und Regesten Pabst Innocent IV, Stuttgart 1847, 28; cf. also 30, for a letter to the pope (?), 6 May 1241. On AlbertGoogle Scholar, see Koster, W., Der Kreuzablass im Kampfe der Kurie mil Friedrich II. Miinster 1913, 27. For the landgrave's warning, see Matthew Paris, CM, ed. Luard, H.R. (Rolls Series 1872–1883), iv. no. The date Laetare Jerusalem (10 March) given at the end of his letter can apply only to the earlier portion, Strakosch-Grassmann, Der Einfall, 54 n. t.Google Scholar

¹² A., Theiner (ed.), Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia, Rome 1859–1860, i. 182Google Scholar no. 335. For Béla's visit to Austria and subsequent stay in the Zagreb region for the summer of 1241, see Thomas of Spalato, ‘Historia pontificum Salonitanorum atque Spalatensium’, in Gombos, A. F. (ed.), Catalogus Fontium Historiae Hungaricae, Budapest 1937–1938, 2238–9; for his despatching of the bishopGoogle Scholar, see ‘Rogerii Carmen Miserabile’, ed. Juhász, Ladislaus, Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum, Budapest 1937–1938, ii. 575.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ ‘Annales Stadenses’, MGH SS xvi. 367, ‘Tandem papa ad instantiam regis Ungariae, ducis Austriae et domini Carintiae dedit generalem terrae Iherosolimitanae indulgentiam contra eos’. See Köster, Der Kreuzablass, 29, quoted and refuted by Paulus, Geschichte des Ablasses ii. 26 and n. 2.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ MGH Epp. s. XIII i. 723 no. 822. For the other recipients of this letter, see Auvray, Lucien (ed.), Les Registres de Grégoire IX, Paris 1896–1955, nos 6073–5.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ HDFS v. 1211.Google Scholar

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²³ Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, to Henry 11, duke of Brabant, in CMiv. no; another letter in vi. 78 (incorrectly dated 1242 by Luard).Google Scholar

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²⁶ ‘Ann. S. Pant. Col.’, 535. For friars in Thuringia, see CM iv. 110 and vi. 78.Google Scholar

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³⁰ ‘Ann. Worm.’, 47. For redemption of crusading vows, see J.S.C., Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? London, 1977, 47, and idem, The Crusades, 143–4Google Scholar; Brundage, James A., Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader, Madison, Wis. 1969, 132–3; Paulus, Geschichte des Ablasses ii. 32–9.Google Scholar

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³³ Ibid. 272–3 (sub anno 1243, but the date can only be 1241; see Hilpert, Kaiser– und Papstbriefe, 160–1 and n. 45)Google Scholar. Strakosch-Grassmann Der Einfall, 144 n. 5, long ago made the correct interpretation, but more recent authorities continue to write of the siege of Wiener-Neustadt. For a discussion of the interpolations by Paris himself, see Hilpert, op. cit. 160–4Google Scholar. Strakosch-Grassmann argued that the whole episode is authentic, though acknowledging that a fully fledged siege of Vienna is unlikely, Der Einfall, 139–40, 144–5, 146, 188–91Google Scholar. For a more recent discussion of Ivo and his testimony, see Peter Segl, Ketzer in Osterreich, Untersuchungen iiber Hdresie und Inquisition im Herzogtum Osterreich im 13. und beginnenden 14Google Scholar. Jahrhundert, Paderborn 1984, 76–111.Google Scholar

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⁴² ‘Ann. S. Pant. Col.’, 536Google Scholar. ‘Annales Sancti Rudberti Salisburgenses’, MGH SS ix. 787Google Scholar. ‘Gest. Trev. Cont. IV, 404. For the pact, see C., Will (ed.), Regesten zur Geschichte der Mainzer Erzbischofe, Innsbruck 1877–1886, ii. 263–4Google Scholar,, xxxin, no. 392 (BFW, no 3239). On 10 Sept. 1241 King Conrad ordered the duke of Limburg to prevent the archbishop of Cologne building a castle at Remagen, HDFS vi. 817. The defection of Archbishop Siegfried seems to have been related to a dispute over the abbey of Lorsch. See in general Manfred Stimming, ‘Kaiser Friedrich 11. und der Abfall der deutschen Fiirsten’, Historische Zntschrift cxx (1919), 226–9 (with 10 Nov. for the pact in error at 228); Alfred Haverkamp, Medieval Germany 1056–1273, Oxford 1988, 256.

⁴³ For the events of 1239–41, see T.C., Van Cleve, The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, Oxford 1972, 427–54Google Scholar; Strayer, ‘Political Crusades’, 350–4Google Scholar; Abulafia, David, Frederick II, London 1988, 340–50.Google ScholarThe crusade is also discussed in Koster, Der Kreuzablass, 20–32.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ Gregory ix to John of Civitella, 12 Feb. 1241, MGH Epp. s. XIII i. 707 no. 801 = Theiner, Vetera monumenta i. 178–9 no. 327.

⁴⁶ MGH Epp. s. XIII i. 723 no. 822.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ HDFS vi. 902–4.Google Scholar

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⁵² Innocent iv to Berthold, patriarch of Aquileia, 21–07 1243, in MGH Epp. s. XIII ii. 3–4 no. 2 = Theiner, Vetera monumenta i. 187–8 no. 348Google Scholar; summary in èlie Berger, (ed.), Les Registres dInnocent IV, Paris 1884–1910, no. 30Google Scholar. Berthold, who was King Béla's uncle, had become something of an expert on Mongol affairs: Denis Sinor, ‘Un voyageur du trèeizieme siecle: le Dominicain Julien de Hongrie’, BSOAS xiv (1952), 600–1, repr. in idem, Inner Asia; see also n. 61 below.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Strakosch–Grassmann, Der Einfall, 102–5.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Ibidv. 1141, 1144; BFW, no. 3210; Strakosch-Grassmann, Der Einfall, 124Google Scholar. For the papal attack on the Regno in 1229, see Van Cleve, T. C., ‘The crusade of Frederick II’, in Wolff and Hazard, Later Crusades, 454–5, 460–1; Abulafia, Frederick II, 194–201.Google Scholar

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⁷² See Denis Sinor, ‘Horse and pasture in Inner Asian history’, Oriens Extremus xix (1972), 181–3, repr. in idem, Inner Asia; Morgan, The Mongols, 140–1. For a discussion of ecological problems facing nomadic invaders west of the Carpathians, see R. P. Lindner, ‘Nomadism, horses and Huns’, Past and Present xcii (1981), 3–19. The best source on the Mongol retreat from Dalmatia is Thomas of Spalato, 2242–3, who mentions that Qadan brought only a part of his force since the region afforded insufficient grass for the entire division.

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⁷⁵ See Riley-Smith, , What were the Crusades?, 34–7; Villey, La Croisade, 48–54, 97–112Google Scholar; Russell, F. H., The Just War in the Middle Ages, Cambridge 1975, 202–7.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ ‘Ann. Stad.’, 367. Gest. Trev. Cont. IV, 404.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ HDFS v. 1209–10; for the other measures, see ibid. 1210, 1212, and Ann. Worm., 46. Fasting, prayers and carrying of crosses had been decreed in their territories by King Wenceslaus and the Landgrave Henry, Bohmer, ‘Briefe’, m no. 2 = Hormayr– Hortenburg, Die goldene Chronik ii. 67 no. 4 (BFW, no. 11328); CM iv. no and vi. 78.

⁷⁸ ‘Puto quod episcopus non potest dare auctoritatem praedicandi crucem, primo quia nee remissionem potest facere tantam quantam requirit crux… item quia ad solum Papam pertinet de fide respondere & periculis ipsius taliter occurrere… tertio, quia ad ipsum pertinet votum crucis’: Summa aurea, lib. in, tit. De voto, 19–20, Venice 1570, fo. 297r. For the vow, see also ibid. 13, fo. 295V, ‘episcopi etiam authoritas in omnibus sufficit exceptis duobus, scilicet voto crucis… ’.

⁷⁹ HDFS v. 1209. For Gregory's decretal, lib. v, tit. xxxix, cap. 58, see Emil Friedberg (ed.), Corpus iuris canonici ii: Decretalium collectiones, Leipzig 1881, col. 912.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ For the indulgence, see Archbishop Siegfried's decrees, HDFS v. 121 o, and the bishop ofHildesheim's charter, in Scheidt, Origines Guelficae iv. 191. The phrase ‘remissio omnium peccatorum’ occurs in HDFSv. 1212, but in the context of crusaders rendering each other mutual assistance against those who harm them–sicut Tartaros; it appears in ’Ann. Worm.’, 46. Nonspecific references to the indulgence offered by Siegfried are made by Henry, bishop of Constance, in HDFS v. 1214, and by Siboto, bishop of Augsburg, Hormayr-Hortenburg, Die goldene Chronik ii. 71 no. 12. Although the vow is mentioned, I have encountered the term ‘pilgrimage’ only in the charter of Count Albert of Tyrol, Huter, Tinier Urkundenbuch iii. 180 no. 1137* = Hormayr-Hortenburg, Die goldene Chronik ii. 64, ’si in itinere peregrinationis sue decesserit’. For its use in the eastern European context, see Villey, La Croisade, 249–50.

⁸¹ For a precedent from 1230, involving the issue of a crusading indulgence by the bishop of Utrecht, see Elizabeth T. Kennan, ‘Innocent m, Gregory ix, and political crusadesGoogle Scholar: a study in the disintegration of papal power’, in Lytle, G. F. (ed.), Reform and Authority in the Medieval and Reformation Church, Washington 1981, 26–9Google Scholar. (I am indebted to Dr Norman Housley for bringing this paper to my attention.) Hostiensis regarded holy wars of this kind as ‘sine crucis signaculo’: Summa aurea, lib. in, tit. De voto, 20, fo. 2g7r For earlier treatment of the subject by the decretalists, see Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, 74, 91, 95, 106; they had largely confined themselves to t he question whether a bishop could permit crusading vows to be commuted or redeemed. Episcopal indulgences in general are discussed by Paulus, Geschichte des Ablasses ii. 61–72..Google Scholar

⁸² HDFS v. 1215, ‘tali conditione premissa ut ex eo summo pontifici non simus tamen aliquatinus obligati’.

⁸³ Ibid.v. 1141, 1166, and vi. 5. For a succinct statement of Frederick's conception of his role as universal emperor, see Abulafia, Frederick II, 187–8.

⁸⁴ On which see Villey, La Croisade 41–6; he suggested that the crusade of Frederick 11 to the Holy Land in 1228–9 should be viewed in this lightGoogle Scholar, ibid. 102.