Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 June 2021
An exploration of the complex relationship between Christian constructions of identity and the idea of sacrality derived from the ancient Greco-Roman world, this article argues that Christian identity developed uniquely in a specific context, often intertwined with theology and mythology. The complex relationship between the two was crucial in the construction of Christian identity in the lands recently converted, and influenced the authors of world maps from the eleventh century onward. This study investigates how the pagan past and Christian present were incorporated in some world maps, such as the twelfth-century English Sawley map. Thus it offers readers a coherent analysis of early history-writing in northern Europe in the first centuries after conversion.
MGH = Monumenta Germaniae Historica; Epp. = Epistolae; SS rer. Germ. = Scriptores rerum Germanicorum
1 Katarzyna Zalewska-Lorkiewicz argues that in the Middle Ages, the term mappa was used indirectly to describe cartographic documents, whereas in classical Latin it always referred to objects made of cloth: Ilustrowane mappae mundi jako obraz świata: średniowiecze i początek okresu nowożytnego, Warsaw 1997, 8.
2 In medieval Latin, carta/ae denoted a document (usually a large-sized one); it was applied at a later date than mappa to portolan charts: ibid. 8–9. For a comprehensive overview of medieval world maps see Evelyn Edson, Mapping time and space: how medieval mapmakers viewed their world, London 1997, 2.
3 For medieval portolan charts see Billion, Philipp, ‘How did medieval cartographers work? New insights through a systematic analysis of the visual language of medieval portolan charts up to 1439’, Cartes et géomatique ccxvi (2013), 33–45Google Scholar; R. J. Pujades i Bataller, Les cartes portolanes: la representació medieval d´una mar solcada, Barcelona 2007; and Tony Campbell, ‘Portolan charts from the late thirteenth century to 1500’, in J. B. Harley and D. Woodward (eds), Cartography in prehistoric, ancient, and medieval Europe and the Mediterranean, Chicago 1987, 371–463.
4 Gautier Dalche, La ‘Descriptio Mappae Mundi’ de Hugues de Saint-Victor, Paris 1988, 183; Danielle Le Coq, ‘La Mappemonde d'Henri de Mayence, ou l'image du monde au xiie siècle’, in Gaston Duchet-Suchaux (ed.), Iconographie médiévale: image, texte, contexte, Paris 1990, 155; Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, Fines terrae: die Enden der Erde und der vierte Kontinent auf mittelalterlichen Weltkarten, Hannover 1992, 70.
5 C. Delano-Smith and R. J. P. Kain, English maps: a history, Toronto 1999, 37.
6 Patrizia Licini, ‘A full image of a cultural space: the Sawley Mappa Mundi as a global memory hypertext’, in U. Knefelkamp and K. Bosselmann-Cyran (eds), Grenze und Grenzüberschreitung im Mittelalter: 11. Symposium des Mediävistenverbandes vom 14. bis 17. März 2005 in Frankfurt an der Oder, Berlin 2007, 470–89 at p. 475; Harvey, Paul D. A., ‘The Sawley map and other world maps in twelfth-century England’, Imago Mundi xlix (1997), 33–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 M. R. James, ‘Bury St Edmunds manuscripts’, EHR xli (1926), 251–60; A descriptive catalogue of the manuscripts in the library of Corpus Christi College Cambridge, i, Cambridge 1912; and The sources of Archbishop Parker's collection of MSS at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, with a reprint of the catalogue of Thomas Markaunt's Library, xxxii, Cambridge 1899.
8 For the origin of the map see Harvey, ‘The Sawley map’, 33–42.
9 Delano-Smith and Kain, English maps, 34–6; Jay T. Lees, Anselm of Havelberg: deeds into words in the twelfth century, Leiden 1998, 60.
10 Harvey, ‘The Sawley map’, 33.
11 For further details regarding the Baltic region in economic, political and cultural terms in the eleventh-century Cottoniana see Mihai Dragnea, ‘Mental geographies and cultural identities in the Baltic region during the eleventh century: the Anglo-Saxon Cotton World Map’, in Dumitru-Ca˘ta˘lin Rogojanu and Gherghina Boda (eds), History, culture and research, iii, Targoviste 2019, 13–28.
12 This strait runs between the south-east coast of Norway, the south-west coast of Sweden and the Jutland peninsula of Denmark and connects the North Sea and the Kattegat sea area, which leads to the Baltic sea: Eduard Moritz, Die Entwickelung des Kartenbildes der Nord- und Ostseeländer bis auf Mercator: mit besonderer Berücksichtigung Deutschlands, Halle 1908, 5, 10.
13 Haraldur Sigurðsson, Kortasaga Íslands frá öndverðu til loka 16. Aldar, Reykjavík 1971, 39.
14 von den Brincken, Anna-Dorothee, ‘Die kartographische Darstellung Nordeuropas durch italienische und mallorquinische Portolanzeichner im 14. und in der ersten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Hansische Geschichtsblätter xcii (1974), 45–58Google Scholar.
15 For further details on the beginning of the cartography of Scandinavia and the Baltic region see Chekin, Leonid S., ‘Mappae Mundi and Scandinavia’, Scandinavian Studies lxv/4 (1993), 487–520Google Scholar at p. 487.
16 Scot D. Westrem, The Hereford Map: a transcription and translation of the legends with commentary, Turnhout 2001, 192–3.
17 Konrad Miller, Mappe mundi: die ältesten Weltkarten, Stuttgart 1895, 45.
18 Procopius, History of the Wars: books 5–6 (Gothic War), trans. H. B. Dewing, New York 2007, i.18, p. 9.
19 Strabo placed the Cimbri on a peninsula somewhere between the Rhine and the Elbe. Later, this peninsula was equated with Jutland-Schleswig thanks to accounts from Mela, Pliny and Tacitus. For the migration of the Cimbri in the Augustan time see Compatangelo-Soussignan, Rita, ‘Poseidonios and the original cause of the migration of the Cimbri: tsunami, storm surge or tides?’, Revue des études anciennes cxviii/2 (2016), 2–18Google Scholar.
20 Mirela Avdagic, ‘The north in antiquity: between maps and myths’, in Dolly Jørgensen and Virginia Langum (eds), Visions of north in premodern Europe, Turnhout 2018, 59–80 at pp. 68, 69.
21 Mela 3. 31, 54, in Frank E. Romer, Pomponius Mela's description of the world, Ann Arbor, Mi 1998, 109.
22 Paul the Deacon, The history of the Langobards by Paul the Deacon, trans. William D. Foulke, New York 1906, ii. 6, pp. 98–9.
23 For further details about the ethnic diversity of Scandinavia see Clare Downham, ‘Hiberno-Norwegians and Anglo-Danes: anachronistic ethnicities and Viking-Age England’, Mediaeval Scandinavia xix (2009), 139–69, and Jones Gwyn, A history of the Vikings, Oxford 2001.
24 Nils Hybel and Bjorn Poulsen, The Danish resources, c. 1000–1550: growth and recession, Leiden 2007, 137.
25 Mihai Dragnea, The Wendish Crusade, 1147: the development of crusading ideology in the twelfth century, London 2019, 11–12. It has been argued that the adoption of Christianity in northern and east-central Europe can be adequately described as a myth-making process. An essential action within this process was the inclusion of local saints in the Christian pantheon in all regions entering Latin Europe. For the links between local sanctity and the making of cultural foundation myths in medieval historical writing see Lars B. Mortensen (ed.), The making of Christian myths in the periphery in Latin Christendom (c. 1000–1300), Copenhagen 2006.
26 Nidaros became an archbishopric in 1152 or 1153, being independent of Hamburg-Bremen: Mihai Dragnea, ‘The cult of St Olaf in the Latin and Greek Churches between the eleventh and twelfth centuries,' Hiperboreea vii/2 (2020), 145–67 at p. 158.
27 J. Barrett and others, ‘Detecting the medieval cod trade: a new method and first results’, Journal of Archaeological Science xxxv (2008), 850–61 at p. 852.
28 For further details regarding the export of sulphur from Iceland to Norway and other states see Natascha Mehler, ‘The sulphur trade of Iceland from the Viking Age to the end of the Hanseatic period’, in I. Baug, J. Larsen and S. S. Mygland (eds), Nordic Middle Ages: artefacts, landscapes and society: essays in honour of Ingvild Øye on her 70th birthday, Bergen 2015, 193–212 at pp. 193, 201, 206.
29 For narrative accounts of the earliest exploration of Northern Europe see Fridtjof Nansen, In northern mists: Arctic exploration in early times, trans. Arthur G. Chater, Cambridge 2014.
30 Pliny's Natural History iv. 27, trans. John Bostock and H. T. Riley, London 1855, 342, 345. For more details about the ancient perception of the North see Dilke, Oswald A. W., ‘Geographical perceptions of the north in Pomponius Mela and Ptolemy’, Arctic xxxvii/4 (1984), 347–51Google Scholar.
31 Chekin, ‘Mappae Mundi and Scandinavia’, 490–1.
32 Kasper H. Andersen and Jeppe B. Netterstrom (eds), Dronningemagt i middelalderen: Festskrift til Anders Bøgh, Aarhus 2018, 258.
33 Wallis, Mieczysław, ‘Semantic and symbolic elements in architecture: iconology as a first step towards an architectural semiotic’, Semiotica viii (1973), 220–38Google Scholar at pp. 224–8.
34 T. A. Slocum, Thematic cartography and visualization, Upper Saddle River, NJ 1999.
35 Naomi R. Kline, Maps of medieval thought: the Hereford paradigm, Woodbridge 2001, 13; Elizabeth Rodini, ‘Art. memory and maps’, in J. B. Friedman and K. M. Figg (eds), Trade, travel, and exploration in the Middle Ages, New York–London 2000, 392–4.
36 Fraesdorff, David, ‘The power of imagination: the Christianitas and the pagan north during conversion to Christianity (800–1200)’, Medieval History Journal v/2 (2002), 309–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar at p. 322.
37 Licini, ‘A full image of a cultural space’, 475–7; Richard Henning, ‘Die Anfänge des kulturellen und Handelsverkehr in der Mittelmeerwelt’, Historische Zeitschrift, cxxxix (1928), 1–33. For more details about the island of Delos as a sacred place see George St Clair, ‘The birth of Apollo in a floating island’, Westminster Review clii/2 (1899), 185–93.
38 For more details on the location of Hyperborea in ancient Greek writings as well as the identification of the Hyperboreans with the Celts see Bridgman, Timothy P., ‘Celts and Hyperboreans: crossing mythical boundaries’, Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium xxii (2002), 39–55Google Scholar.
39 Pindar, Pythian 10. 29–30, <http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0033.tlg002.perseus-eng1:10>.
40 Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, trans. Elizabeth A. Dawes, London 1928, 63, 68, 159, 320.
41 For the use of runes in the early modern Scandinavian and English presses see Rix, Robert W., ‘Runes and Roman: Germanic literacy and the significance of runic writing’, Textual Cultures vi/1 (2011), 114–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar at p. 118.
42 For more details on the rhetoric of Otherness during the expansion of Latin Christianity into the North from the ninth to the early thirteenth centuries see Linda Kaljundi, ‘Waiting for the barbarians: reconstruction of otherness in the Saxon missionary and crusading chronicles, 11th–13th centuries’, in Erik Kooper (ed.), The medieval Chronicle, v, Amsterdam–New York 2008, 113–27 at pp. 117–18.
43 Asa S. Mittman and Peter J. Dendle (eds), The Ashgate research companion to monsters and the monstrous, Farnham 2013, 120–1.
44 For more details regarding the description of the North in the medieval world maps see Asa S. Mittman, Maps and monsters in medieval England, New York–London 2006.
45 Adami gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, ed. J. M. Lappenberg, MGH, SRG, Hannover 1876, iv. 17, 19, 25, pp. 165, 166–7, 173.
46 Ibid. iv. 16, pp. 163–4.
47 Morris Silver, Taking ancient mythology economically, Leiden 1992, 159–61. For more details about some Greek-Roman patterns in other Indoeuropean mythologies see Dragnea, Mihai, ‘Slavic and Greek-Roman mythology: comparative mythology’, Brukenthalia Acta Musei iii (2013), 20–7Google Scholar.
48 For the image of non-Christians in medieval art see Debra Higgs Strickland, Saracens, demons, & Jews: making monsters in medieval art, Princeton 2003.
49 David G. White, Myths of the dog-man, Chicago 1991, 60, 63.
50 Taten Kaiser Karls des Großen: Notkeri Balbuli Gesta Karoli Magni Imperatoris, ii. 13, ed. H. F. Haefele, MGH, SS rer. Germ. n.s. xii, Berlin 1959, p. 76.
51 Ratramnus of Corbie, Epistola, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH, Epp. VI, Karolini Aevi 4, Berlin 1925, 155–7. For further details on the description of Cynocephali and the possibility of converting them see Scott G. Bruce, ‘Hagiography as monstrous ethnography: a note on Ratramnus of Corbie's letter concerning the conversion of the Cynocephali’, in Gernot R. Wieland and others (eds), Insignis Sophiae Arcator: medieval Latin studies in honour of Michael Herren on his 65th birthday, Turnhout 2006, 45–56.
52 For the Wendish apostasy see Henrik Janson, ‘What made the pagans pagans?’, in Tsvetelin Stepanov and Georgi Kazakov (eds), Medieval Christianitas: different regions, ‘faces’, approaches, Sofia 2010, 11–30, and ‘Pagani and Christiani: cultural identity and exclusion around the Baltic in the early Middle Ages’, in Jörn Staecker (ed.), The reception of medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea region, Visby 2009, 171–91.
53 For posthumous baptisms and catechesis in medieval Scandinavia and Rus’ see Fjodor Uspenskij, ‘The baptism of bones and Prima Signatio in medieval Scandinavia and Rus’', in L. P. Słupecki and J. Morawiec (eds), Between paganism and Christianity in the North, Rzeszów 2009, 9–22.
54 Helmoldi presbyteri Bozoviensis Cronica Slavorum, ed. Bernhard Schmeidler, MGH, SRG, Hannover 1937, i. 16, p. 34.
55 Thietmar, Chronicon, ed. R. Holtzmann, MGH, SRG, Berlin 1935, iii. 17, p. 118.
56 S. Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris Vita Altera auctore Brunone Querfurtensi, ed. Jadwiga Karwasińska, MPH s.n. 4/2, VA rl25, Warsaw 1969, 3–69 at pp. 31–2. For more details on the description of the Prussians in the hagiography of St Adalbert see Sosnowski, Milosz, ‘“Prussians as bees, Prussians as dogs”: metaphors and the depiction of pagan society in the early hagiography of St Adalbert of Prague’, Reading Medieval Studies xxxix (2013), 25–48Google Scholar. The narratives about the martyrdom of St Adalbert also described the Prussians as wearing ritual dog-masks while they practised a sort of demonic cult. See Ian N. Wood, ‘Categorising the Cynocephali’, in Richard Corradini and others (eds), Ego trouble: authors and their identities in the early Middle Ages, Vienna 2010, 125–36.
57 ‘And he shall send his angels with a great sound of a trumpet, and they shall gather together his elect from the four winds, from one end of heaven to the other’: Matthew xxiv.31.
58 Haf, Adele J., Birney's, ‘Earle “Mappemounde”: visualizing poetry with maps’, Cartographic Perspectives xliii (2002), 4–24Google Scholar. Jewish tradition envisaged a similar system in which the four chief angels, Michael, Gabriel, Raphael and Uriel, ‘preside over the four quarters of the globe': Peter Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, Strassburg 1890, 163.
59 Arno Mentzei-Reuters, ‘Heinrich von Hesler – von Thüringen nach Preußen: Facetten deutschsprachiger Bibeldichtung, 1250–1350’, in Thomas T. Müller (ed.), Der deutsche Orden und Thüringen Aspekte einer 800–jährigen Geschichte, St Petersburg 2014, 44–74.
60 Geoffrey J. Marcus, The conquest of the North Atlantic, Woodbridge 2007, 22.
61 Karen Larsen, History of Norway, Princeton 2015, 43.
62 Michelle P. Brown, The Lindisfarne Gospels: society, spirituality and the scribe, Toronto 2003, 85.
63 Adami gesta Hammaburgensis, i. 57, p. 39.