Article contents
Regionalism Reconsidered
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 March 2016
Abstract
- Type
- Roundtable
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © East Asia Institute
References
Notes
1. See Aggarwal, Vinod K. and Koo, Min Gyo, “Shifting Ground: Is It Finally Time for Economic and Security Regionalism?” Global Asia 1, No. 1 (2006): 28–41.Google Scholar
2. From the perspective of many analysts, divisions became the norm rather than the exception in East Asia. Southeast Asia has been divided along ethnic, religious, and ideological lines for decades. Northeast Asia remains equally separated as a result of Japanese colonialism and Cold War confrontation. And more generally, conventional analysis separated South and Central Asia from East Asia. Even Katzenstein uses “Asia” as shorthand for Asia, East (1997, 1). In his 2005 work, however, Katzenstein more explicitly and carefully explores the construction and definition of what constitutes a region.Google Scholar
3. Yet Katzenstein's work fails to systematically code regional institutions on these or other dimensions as the “dependent” variables to be explained, making it difficult to assess his causal arguments and predictions.Google Scholar
4. The US-centered bilateral alliances include US-Japan (1951), US-South Korea (1953), and US-Taiwan (1979 Taiwan Act). In the communist camp, China and North Korea signed a friendship treaty in 1961; Russia and North Korea renewed a treaty on friendship in 2000; and China and Russia signed a new friendship treaty in 2001. As Stephan Haggard pointed out in his comments on the earlier version of this article, the number of Asia's formal bilateral alliances outside the United States has been extremely limited. For instance, neither Japan nor South Korea has formal alliances with its Asian neighbors, while China has only one formal alliance, with North Korea, which has been significantly undermined in the post-Cold War period.Google Scholar
5. For more details about Asian countries' obsession with Westphalian sovereignty, see Moon, Chung-in and Chun, Chaesung, “Sovereignty: Dominance of the Westphalian Concept and Implications for Regional Security.” In Alagappa, Muthiah, ed., Asian Security Order: Instrumental and Normative Features (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. 106–137.Google Scholar
6. Katzenstein, Peter J. and Sil, Rudra (2004), “Rethinking Asian Security: A Case for Analytical Eclecticism.” In Suh, J. J., Katzenstein, Peter J., and Carlson, Allen, eds., Rethinking Security in East Asia: Identity, Power, and Efficiency (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), p. 19.Google Scholar
7. Aggarwal, Vinod K. and Koo, Min Gyo, “Beyond Network Power? The Dynamics of Formal Economic Integration in Northeast Asia,” Pacific Review 18, No. 2 (2005): 189–216.Google Scholar
8. Calder, Kent and Ye, Min, “Regionalism and Critical Junctures: Explaining the ‘Organization Gap’ in Northeast Asia,” Journal of East Asian Studies 4, No. 2 (2004): 191–226.Google Scholar
9. “Club goods” refers to the case of goods that exhibit jointness (not diminished by use), but where exclusion is possible. Two examples of this type of good are the provision of satellite transmission of television and the use of scrambling technology to prevent noncontributors from accessing the good. Because of the benefits of having additional consumers of the good that one produces, we might expect that in the case of international institutions, actors will compete to have their institutional approach adopted as the standard by all participants to maximize their revenue possibilities.Google Scholar
10. During the Cold War period, trade liberalization was provided for most East Asian countries mainly through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). To the extent that GATT required membership, the provision of trade liberalization was a multilateral club good. But it contained a strong public good characteristic, since East Asian countries were allowed to pay less to get more out of the system. As noted above, the San Francisco System provided East Asian countries with security as a bilateral club good, made available from their alliance with the United States or the Soviet Union. But the provision also contained a strong public good characteristic, since the costs and benefits from the alliance relationships were asymmetric in favor of the two superpowers' respective allies. For more details, see Aggarwal, Vinod K. and Koo, Min Gyo, “Northeast Asia's Economic and Security Regionalism: Withering or Blossoming?” In Shin, Gi-Wook and Sneider, Daniel C., eds., Cross Currents: Regionalism and Nationalism in Northeast Asia (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, forthcoming).Google Scholar
11. See Aggarwal, and Koo, , “Beyond Network Power?” and Aggarwal, Vinod K. and Koo, Min Gyo, “The Evolution of APEC and ASEM: Implications of the New East Asian Bilateralism,” European Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (2005): 233–261.Google Scholar
12. Aggarwal, and Koo, , “The Evolution of APEC and ASEM,” pp. 255–259.Google Scholar
13. Ruggie, John Gerard, “Multilateralism: The Anatomy of an Institution.” In Ruggie, John Gerard, ed., Multilateralism Matters: The Theory and Praxis of an Institutional Form (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993).Google Scholar
14. Ibid., p. 4. Ruggie did not take note of the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO), created in 1954, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), established in 1967, presumably because SEATO did not prove viable (although it lasted for two decades) and ASEAN came relatively late in the postwar period. But why Asia did not develop a viable multilateral institution in the immediate postwar period ought to have aroused a multilateralism scholar's curiosity, a point Katzenstein would make in his 2002 article with Hemmer; see Hemmer, Christopher and Katzenstein, Peter J., “Why Is There No NATO in Asia? Collective Identity, Regionalism, and the Origins of Multilateralism,” International Organization 56, no. 3 (Summer 2002): 575–607. NATO (which some would not regard as truly multilateral—it is collective defense, rather than an alliance with the characteristics of inclusiveness that is integral to multilateralism) merited a chapter.Google Scholar
15. Keohane, Robert O., International Institutions and State Power: Essays in International Relations Theory (Boulder: Westview, 1989), p. 67, note 1.Google Scholar
16. Katzenstein, Peter J., A World of Regions: Asia and Europe in the American Imperium (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005).Google Scholar
17. Buzan, Barry and Waever, Ole, Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18. Katzenstein, Peter, “Regionalism in Comparative Perspective,” Conflict and Cooperation 31, No. 2 (1996): 123–159. This was incorporated into his coauthored (with Takashi Shiraisi) introduction to Network Power: Japan and Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997).Google Scholar
19. Hemmer, and Katzenstein, , “Why Is There No NATO in Asia?” p. 575.Google Scholar
20. See Acharya, Amitav, “Regionalism and Regime Security in the Third World: Comparing the Origins of the ASEAN and the GCC.” In Job, Brian L., ed., The Insecurity Dilemma: National Security of Third World States (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1991), pp. 143–164.Google Scholar
21. Acharya, Amitav, “Why Is There No NATO in Asia? The Normative Origins of Asian Multilateralism,” Working Paper No. 05-05, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, July 2005.Google Scholar
22. Katzenstein, Peter J., “Introduction: Asian Regionalism in Comparative Perspective.” In Katzenstein, and Shiraishi, , Network Power, p. 3.Google Scholar
23. Ibid., p. 5.Google Scholar
24. Ikenberry, John and Mastanduno, Michael, International Relations Theory and the Asia-Pacific (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), pp. 421–422.Google Scholar
25. Acharya, Amitav, “Will Asia's Past Be Its Future?” International Security 28, No. 3 (Winter 2003/04): 149–164.Google Scholar
26. Kurth, James, “The Pacific Basin Versus the Atlantic Alliance: Two Paradigms of International Relations,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 505 (September 1989): 34–45; Friedberg, Aaron, “Ripe for Rivalry: Prospects for Peace in Multipolar Asia,” International Security 18 (Winter 1993/94); Buzan, Barry and Segal, Gerald, “Rethinking East Asian Security,” Survival 36, no. 2 (Summer 1994): 3–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
27. Acharya, Amitav, Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order (London: Routledge, 2001), p. 182.Google Scholar
28. Gilpin, Robert, “Sources of American-Japanese Economic Conflict.” In Ikenberry, and Mastanduno, , International Relations Theory and the Asia Pacific.Google Scholar
29. Mearsheimer, John, “Economic Juggernaut: China Is Passing U.S. as Asian Power,” New York Times, June 29, 2002.Google Scholar
30. Kang, David, “Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks,” International Security 27, No. 4 (Spring 2003): 57–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
31. Acharya, , “Will Asia's Past Be Its Future?”; Aggarwal, and Koo, , in this roundtable.Google Scholar
32. Katzenstein stresses practice over discourse in regional construction. Regions are “defined by their distinctive institutional forms which both alter and are altered by behavior or political practice” (Katzenstein, 2005, 6). They cannot be simply “ideological constructs” (Katzenstein, 2005, 12); Katzenstein speaks of regional identity mainly in terms of history, culture, and institutionalization. I argue that regionalist ideas and discourses are an important part of region building. See Acharya, Amitav, The Quest for Identity: International Relations of Southeast Asia (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 2000).Google Scholar
33. Appadurai, Arjun, “The Future of Asian Studies,” Viewpoints, Association for Asian Studies, 1997, p. 6.Google Scholar
34. Higgott, Richard, “Ideas, Identity and Policy Coordination in the Asia Pacific,” Pacific Review 7, No. 4 (1994): 367–379.Google Scholar
35. Breslin, Shaun and Higgott, Richard, “Studying Regions: Learning from the Old, Constructing the New,” New Political Economy 5, No. 3 (2000): 333–352.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
36. Cohen, Benjamin J., “The Trans-Atlantic Divide: Why Are American and British IPE So Different?” Review of International Political Economy 14, No. 2 (2007): 197–219.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
37. I owe the transatlantic point to Philip Cerny, but for an elaboration of the general point, see Higgott, Richard, “International Political Economy.” In Goodin, Robert, Pettit, Philip, and Pogge, Thomas, eds., A Companion to Political Philosophy, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007).Google Scholar
38. Balassa, Bela, The Theory of Economic Integration (Homewood, IL: Richard D. Irwin, 1961).Google Scholar
39. Particularly in the security domain, Europe's past was destined to be Asia's future. See, for example, Friedberg, Aaron, “Ripe for Rivalry: Prospects for Peace in Multi-Polar Asia,” International Security 18, No. 3 (1993/94): 5–33; and Buzan, and Segal, , “Rethinking East Asian Security.” Google Scholar
40. See Breslin, Shaun, “Theorizing East Asian Regionalism(s): New Regionalism and Asia's Future(s).” In Curley, Melissa and Thomas, Nick, eds., Advancing East Asian Regionalism (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 26–51.Google Scholar
41. Rosamond, Ben, Theories of European Integration (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000).Google Scholar
42. Balassa, , The Theory of Economic Integration.Google Scholar
43. Ravenhill, John, APEC and the Construction of Pacific Rim Regionalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).Google Scholar
44. On institutional theory, see Simmons, Beth and Martin, Lisa, “International Organizations and Institutions.” In Carlsnaes, Walter, Risse, Thomas, and Simmons, Beth, eds., A Handbook of International Relations (London: Sage, 2002), pp. 192–211. The growing interest in the role of institutions in East Asia is chronicled in Richard Higgott, “Regionalization, Regionalism and Institutionalism: The Prospects and Limits of Institutionalism in East Asia.” In Thakur, Ramesh, ed., Institutionalizing East Asia: Making the Impossible Possible? (Tokyo: United Nations University Press, forthcoming).Google Scholar
45. Wendt, Alexander, “Anarchy Is What States Make It,” International Organization 46, No. 3 (1992): 391–425; Wendt, Alexander, Social Theory and International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).Google Scholar
46. Katzenstein, Peter, “East Asia—Beyond Japan.” In Katzenstein, and Shiraishi, , Beyond Japan, p. 2.Google Scholar
47. Ibid., pp. 10–11.Google Scholar
48. Ibid., p. 14.Google Scholar
49. Baldwin, Richard, “Managing the Noodle Bowl: The Fragility of East Asian Regionalism,” Discussion Paper No. 5561, Centre for Economic Policy Research, available at http://www.cepr.org/pubs/dps/D5561.asp.Google Scholar
50. See Katzenstein, , “East Asia,” p. 27; and the detailed discussion in Shiraishu, Takshi, “The Third Wave: Southeast Asia and Middle Class Formation in the Making of a Region.” In Katzenstein, and Shiraishi, , Beyond Japan. Google Scholar
51. A recognition, for example, that lay behind the decision of the UK Economic and Social Research Council to make a major investment to research this relationship (see http://www.csgr.org).Google Scholar
52. Ikenberry, John, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order After Major Wars (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).Google Scholar
53. Beeson, Mark, “Rethinking Regionalism: Europe and East Asia in Comparative Historical Perspective,” Journal of European Public Policy 12, No. 6 (2005): 969–985.Google Scholar
54. For a review, see Breslin, , “Theorizing East Asian Regionalism,” and the essays in Pempel, T. J., ed., Remapping East Asia: The Construction of a Region (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004).Google Scholar
55. Ibid., p. 244.Google Scholar
56. See Higgott, Richard, “After Neo-Liberal Globalization: The Securitization of U.S. Foreign Economic Policy in East Asia,” Critical Asian Studies 36, No. 3 (2004): 425–444; and Dieter, Heribert and Higgott, Richard, “Is Washington Losing Asia? The Drawbacks of Linking Trade and Security in America's Foreign Policy,” 2007, mimeo.Google Scholar
57. See Ravenhill, John, “U.S. Economic Relations with East Asia: From Hegemony to Complex Interdependence.” In Beeson, Mark, ed., Bush and Asia: America's Evolving Relations with East Asia (London: Routledge 2005).Google Scholar
58. See Noland, Marcus, Financial Times, September 14, 2005, p. 6; and Munakata, Nana, “The Impact of the Rise of China and Regional Economic Integration in Asia: A Japanese Perspective,” Statement to US-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearings on China's Growth as a Regional Economic Power, Washington, DC, December 2003, pp. 1–13.Google Scholar
59. Haas, Ernst B., The Obsolescence of Regional Integration Theory (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1975).Google Scholar
60. Sandholtz, Wayne and Sweet, Alec Stone, eds., European Integration and Supranational Governance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Moravcsik, Andrew, The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht, Cornell Studies in Political Economy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998).Google Scholar
61. Acharya, , Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia.Google Scholar
62. Stein, Gertrude, Everybody's Autobiography. See http://www.bartleby.com/73/148.html.Google Scholar
63. Aggarwal, Vinod K. and Morrison, Charles E., eds., Asia-Pacific Crossroads: Regime Creation and the Future of APEC (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998); Ravenhill, , APEC and the Construction of Asia-Pacific Regionalism. Google Scholar
64. For a rare sophisticated analysis of domestic coalitions in Asian regionalism, see Solingen, Etel, Regional Orders at Century's Dawn: Global and Domestic Influences on Grand Strategy, Princeton Studies in International History and Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998).Google Scholar
65. Rather curiously, Katzenstein does not provide a definition of regionalism in A World of Regions (or at least not one that I have discovered in several readings of the book—the index entry for “regionalism, defined” identifies two locations but neither page includes the word). Clearly, given Katzenstein's emphasis that regions have three significant underpinnings— material, ideational, and institutional—his is a broader understanding than that afforded by the frequently adopted definition of regionalism as a process of intergovernmental collaboration (to distinguish it from regionalization—another term that Katzenstein uses but for which he does not offer a definition). For this distinction, see Lorenz, Detlef, “Regionalization Versus Regionalism: Problems of Change in the World Economy,” Intereconomics 26, No. 1 (January–February 1991): 3–10.Google Scholar
66. Haas, Ernst B., “International Integration: The European and the Universal Process.” In International Political Communities: An Anthology (New York: Anchor Books, 1966); Haas, Ernst B. and Schmitter, Philippe, “Economics and Differential Patterns of Political Integration: Projections About Unity in Latin America,” International Organization 18, no. 4 (Autumn 1964): 705–737; Deutsch, Karl W. et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957).Google Scholar
67. In A World of Regions, Katzenstein does not repeat earlier claims that regional order “is the central organizing principle in world politics” or that economic regionalism is “an effort to regain some measure of political control over processes of economic globalization that have curtailed national policy instruments.” The first quotation is from Katzenstein, “Varieties of Asian Regionalism,” in Katzenstein, Peter et al., eds., East Asian Regionalism (Ithaca: Cornell University East Asia Program, 2000), p. 1; the second quotation is from Katzenstein, Peter J. and Shiraishi, Takashi, “Conclusion: Regions in World Politics: Japan and Asia—Germany in Europe.” In Katzenstein, and Shiraishi, , Network Power, p. 344.Google Scholar
68. First published in Hemmer, and Katzenstein, , “Why Is There No NATO in Asia?” pp. 575–607.Google Scholar
69. Arase, David, Buying Power: The Political Economy of Japan's Foreign Aid (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1995).Google Scholar
70. Bernard, Mitchell and Ravenhill, John, “Beyond Product Cycles and Flying Geese: Regionalization, Hierarchy, and the Industrialization of East Asia,” World Politics 45, No. 2 (January 1995): 179–210.Google Scholar
71. The investment in raw materials production gave rise to spurious claims in the Japanese literature about the “trade-enhancing” character of Japanese FDI in contrast to the trade-undermining character of US foreign investment: Kojima, Kiyoshi, Direct Foreign Investment: A Japanese Model of Multinational Business Operations (London: Croom Helm, 1978); Ozawa, Terutomo, Multinationalism: Japanese Style (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).Google Scholar
72. Doner, Richard F., “Japan in East Asia: Institutions and Regional Leadership.” In Katzenstein, and Shiraishi, , Network Power.Google Scholar
73. McKendrick, David, Doner, Richard F., and Haggard, Stephan, From Silicon Valley to Singapore: Location and Competitive Advantage in the Hard Disk Drive Industry (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000).Google Scholar
74. Feenstra, Robert C. and Hamilton, Gary G., Emergent Economies, Divergent Paths: Economic Organization and International Trade in South Korea and Taiwan (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Hamilton, Gary G., Commerce and Capitalism in Chinese Societies (New York: Routledge, 2006).Google Scholar
75. Katzenstein, , “East Asia—Beyond Japan,” p. 3. The book includes a chapter by one of the foremost students of Japanese production networks, Dieter Ernst, on precisely this subject: Ernst, “Searching for a New Role in East Asian Regionalization: Japanese Production Networks in the Electronics Industry.” In Katzenstein, and Shiraishi, , Beyond Japan. Google Scholar
76. Speed, Taylor, “Mediating Change: Monozukuri and Global Markets,” PhD diss., Australian National University, forthcoming; Sturgeon, Timothy J., “How Globalization Drives Institutional Diversity: The Japanese Electronics Industry's Response to Value Chain Modularity,” Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (February 2007): 1–34.Google Scholar
77. Gungwu, Wang, “Greater China and the Chinese Overseas,” China Quarterly, no. 136 (December 1993): 930. Estimating the magnitude of the flows between ethnic Chinese businesses in Southeast Asia and the mainland is particularly difficult. Aggregate data on, for instance, investments from Singapore in China may reflect transfers from the subsidiaries of US corporations that maintain regional headquarters in Singapore or investments by Singaporean parastatals, the “government linked companies.” For further discussion of problems in estimating China's FDI inflows, see Ravenhill, John, “Is China an Economic Threat to Southeast Asia?” Asian Survey 46, no. 5 (October 2006): 653–674.Google Scholar
78. Bun, Chan Kwok and Kui, Ng Beoy, “Myths and Misperceptions of Ethnic Chinese Capitalism.” In Bun, Chan Kwok, ed., Chinese Business Networks: State, Economy and Culture (Singapore: Prentice Hall, 2000).Google Scholar
79. Harding, Harry, “The Concept of ‘Greater China’: Themes, Variations and Reservations,” China Quarterly, no. 136 (December 1993): 660–686.Google Scholar
80. Aggarwal, Vinod K. and Urata, Shujiro, eds., Bilateral Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific: Origins, Evolution, and Implications, Contemporary Political Economy Series (London: Routledge, 2006); Dent, Christopher M., New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).Google Scholar
81. Data from the ASEAN secretariat website, http://www.aseansec.org/18144.htm.Google Scholar
82. Katzenstein, , “East Asia—Beyond Japan,” p. 3.Google Scholar
83. Pyle, Kenneth B., Japan Rising: The Resurgence of Japanese Power and Purpose (New York: Public Affairs, 2007).Google Scholar
84. I would like to thank Katzenstein, Mary F. and Sil, Rudra for comments on an earlier draft, and Christopher James Kupka for assistance in updating the figures in endnote 91.Google Scholar
85. Katzenstein, Peter J., A World of Regions: Asia and Europe in the American Imperium (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005).Google Scholar
86. For internationalization and globalization theory, respectively, the cases are easy in the following sense. Internal and external security policies illustrate the logic of states intent on defending their sovereignty; cultural diplomacy is an important way for states to represent themselves to others in the international arena. Technology and production are prime cases illustrating the compression of time and the shrinking of space; the unregulated flow of popular culture connects individuals in a global way.Google Scholar
87. See Katzenstein, and Okawara, , “Japan, Asian-Pacific Security, and the Case for Analytical Eclecticism”; and Katzenstein, Peter J. and Sil, Rudra, “The Contributions of Eclectic Theorizing to the Study and Practice of International Relations.” In Reus-Smit, Chris and Snidal, Duncan, eds., Oxford Handbook of International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming); Katzenstein, and Sil, , “Rethinking Asian Security”; and Sil, Rudra and Katzenstein, Peter J., “What Is Analytical Eclecticism and Why Do We Need It?” paper prepared for the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, 2005.Google Scholar
88. Waltz, Kenneth, Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), pp. 229–230.Google Scholar
89. See Katzenstein, Peter J., ed., Mitteleuropa: Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI: Berghahn, 1997); Katzenstein, , ed., Tamed Power: Germany in Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); and Katzenstein, and Shiraishi, , Network Power. Google Scholar
90. Chase, Robert, Hill, Emily, and Kennedy, Paul, eds., The Pivotal States: A New Framework for U.S. Policy in the Developing World (New York: Norton, 1999).Google Scholar
91. China is making giant economic and political strides. Yet, after fifteen years of explosive economic growth in China and economic stagnation in Japan, in 2005 Japan still accounted for 11 percent of global national income, compared with China's 5 percent. Japan's lead over China in total GDP is 2:1 on an aggregate basis and about 20:1 on a per capita basis, with the differences narrowing quickly. This is an important shift, and over time the balance of economic power will rapidly shift further. But just as capitalist China will have its lean years, Japan will have its fat ones. And when those years come, we can only hope that China's political system will show the same resilience and adherence to democratic norms that have characterized Japan during the last fifteen years. Statistics available at http://www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/; http://www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/wofact2005/geos/ch.html; http://www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/wofact2005/geos/ja.html; http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DATASTATISTICS/Resources/GDP_PPP.pdf; http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DATASTATISTICS/Resources/GDP.pdf; and http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DATASTATISTICS/Resources/GNI.pdf (accessed April 26, 2007).Google Scholar
- 2
- Cited by