This research has been funded by the Center for International Studies, Yonsei University, and the Hoover Institution. The authors would like to thank Steve Kahng for encouragement and support

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27. In terms of policy goals, one major disagreement is whether future policies must focus primarily on eliminating weapons of mass destruction from the Korean peninsula or on avoiding military conflict in the Korean peninsula. Accordingly, we employed the following two measures to capture this core dimension in the current debate: How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statements? (1) “It is important that North Korea give up nuclear weapons”; and (2) “Even if North Korea possesses nuclear weapons, it is important to avoid a military conflict with North Korea.” Google Scholar

28. We asked the following two questions: (1) “How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statement? If the United States (South Korea) decides to negotiate with North Korea, the United States (South Korea) should make it clear that it is willing to impose sanctions and isolation on North Korea.” (2) “How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statement? If the United States (South Korea) decides to negotiate with North Korea, the United States (South Korea) should make it clear that it is willing to use force against North Korea.” Google Scholar

29. The question was worded as follows: “How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement? The U.S. and South Korea share common interests with respect to the current North Korean nuclear crisis.” Google Scholar

30. This difference was statistically significant at p < .01 in a paired t-test.Google Scholar

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36. We indeed found that the security message did make South Korean subjects feel more urgency. But this apparently led them to believe that even more dovish measures ought to be employed to resolve the conflict in a timely manner.Google Scholar

37. It ought to be noted that we replicated all our findings based on respondents' absolute policy support by taking an alternative analytical approach. We modeled respondents' absolute support for the five policy alternatives in a seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) model. Substantively, our results remained unaltered from those reported here. For brevity, we omit these results from this report.Google Scholar

38. In support of this view, we found that, inferring from “feeling thermometer” ratings, the humanitarian message significantly lowered their favorable attitudes toward both North Korea and Kim Jong Il.Google Scholar