¹ “After a long time, I became concerned that these words would be destroyed and become fodder for silverfish” 久之，慮將湮沒為蠹魚餐食, from Yongbin, Fang 方用彬, “Fang Yongbin shiyu” 方用彬識語, in Meiguo Hafo daxue Hafo Yanching tushuguan cang Mingdai Huizhou Fang shi qinyou shouzha qi bai tong kaoshi 美國哈佛大學哈佛燕京圖書館藏明代徽州方氏親友手札七百通考釋, edited by Zhichao, Chen 陳智超 (Hefei: Anhui daxue chubanshe, 2001), 1Google Scholar. For a partial English translation of the encomium, see Shum Chun, “The Chinese Rare Books: An Overview,” translated by Allen, Sarah M., in Treasures of the Yenching: Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Harvard-Yenching Library Exhibition Catalogue, edited by Hanan, Patrick (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 16Google Scholar.

² Richter, Antje, “Introduction,” in A History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture, edited by Richter, Antje (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ “If afterward this is passed on to later generations, it will let them know in my life how sincere I was in valuing friendship and in treasuring my friend's writings” 異時傳諸後代，使之知余生平重交誼，寶翰墨之諄切也如此, Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 2.

⁴ The cache contains samples of calligraphy from some of the most respected calligraphers of the late sixteenth century, including Zhou Tianqiu 周天球 (1514–1595) (Zhou Tianqiu [Moon: 1]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 275) and Zhan Jingfeng 詹景鳳 (1532–1602) (Zhan Jingfeng [Sun: 37]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 129)). For an introduction to practices of preserving paper correspondence for its calligraphic value, see Amy McNair, “Letters as Calligraphy Exemplars: The Long and Eventful Life of Yan Zhenqing's (709–785) Imperial Commissioner Liu Letter,” in A History of Chinese Letters, 53–96; Bai, Qianshen, “Chinese Letters: Private Words Made Public,” in The Embodied Image: Chinese Calligraphy from the John B. Elliott Collection, edited by Harrist, Robert E. Jr. and Fong, Wen C. (Princeton: The Art Museum, Princeton University Press, 1999), 381–99Google Scholar.

⁵ Among Fang Yongbin's correspondents there are three major groups: first, members of the extended Fang clan (53 writers, including 7 jinshi 進士 and juren 舉人); second, contacts from throughout Huizhou prefecture (from Yanzhen 巖鎮, Xiuning 休寧, Qimen 祁門, and Wuyuan 婺源) (150 writers, including 35 jinshi and juren)—this group includes 26 letters to members of the Wang 汪 family (discussed in more detail below); and third, local officials from throughout Huizhou (25 writers). For an annotated list of Fang's correspondents, see Li-yueh, Lin 林麗月, “Wanming “Rushang” yu diyu shehui: Mingdai Huizhou Fang shi qinyou shouzha de kaocha” 晚明「儒商」與地域社會:《明代徽州方氏親友手札》的考察, in Jinshi Zhongguo de shehui yu wenhua (960–1800) 近世中國的社會與文化 (960–1800) (Taibei: Shida lishi, 2007), 467–507Google Scholar.

⁶ For Chen's discovery of the archive and its transmission, see Chen, “Daoyan” 導言, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1–7. The cache was passed down to Fang Yongbin's grandsons, one of whom added an encomium (dated to 1678) to the earth folio; see “Wu Qizuo shiyu” 吳期祚識語, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 14. The circumstances surrounding the subsequent passage of the cache to Japan (at the very latest by the end of the nineteenth century) remain unclear. The cache entered the Harvard-Yenching library on December 3, 1955.

⁷ For a recent study of an early Qing collection of 750 letters (Yanshi jiacang chidu 顏氏家藏尺牘) from over 250 correspondents, also compiled by a single individual (Yan Guangmin 顏光敏 (1640–1686)) see David Pattinson, “Epistolary Networks and Practice in the Early Qing: The Letters Written to Yan Guangmin,” in Richter, A History of Chinese Letters, 775–828. Given Yan's reputation as a famous official, these letters are more restrained in content and tone (particularly on financial matters) than Fang's collection.

⁸ Beyond Huizhou, there are four large geographical clusters of correspondents in the Fang Yongbin cache: 1) Ningguo fu Xuancheng 寧國府宣城 (19 writers); 2) Nanjing 南京 (22 writers); 3) Guangdong 廣東 (28 writers); and 4) Huguang Macheng 湖廣麻城 (8 writers).

⁹ On this distinction, see Egan, Ronald, “Su Shih's “Notes” as a Historical and Literary Source,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 50, no. 2 (1990): 561–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Unlike the letters preserved in literary collections, these notes were never edited or reprinted, and so record concerns with everyday activities—buying, selling, handling debt—that have typically been expurgated in published anthologies of personal correspondence. The letters in literary collections are all from the same hand, whereas Fang's cache consists of notes from a wide range of hands addressed to one person. Fang's gathered papers—many drafted by acclaimed calligraphers—show how sophisticated brushwork had become thoroughly implicated in such mundane tasks as filling out an invoice or signing a receipt for goods. For an instructive comparison to everyday uses of calligraphy from the early Qing, see Bai, Qianshen, “Calligraphy for Negotiating Everyday Life: The Case of Fu Shan (1607–1684),” Asia Major 12, no. 1 (1999): 67–125Google Scholar.

¹⁰ There is no explicit justification for this organizational scheme; however, one might infer some implicit conceptual links between the title of a folio and its contents (referring to a phase in Fang's career or a type of activity): most of Fang's prestigious correspondents, for instance, appear in the opening sun folio (suggesting the ascendance of yang energy); his engagements with the Wang family are largely in the metal folio (metal symbolizing a period of collecting or harvesting), while the name-cards are all in the earth folio. It is still difficult, however, to fully account for the particular reasoning behind this classification system.

¹¹ Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1. The “poems” Fang refers to—apparently separated from the contents of the Harvard cache in the course of its transmission—are most likely those preserved in a companion folio now held in the Leiden Institute of Sinology. For more on this folio, which I discuss in greater detail below, see Ye, Shi 施曄, “Cong xin jian Ming ceye kan Jia Wan nianjian Huizhou shishang jiaoyou” 從新見明冊頁看嘉萬年間徽州士商交遊, Jianghuai luntan 江淮論壇 4 (2013): 138–47Google Scholar.

¹² As a repository of rare paper-based ephemera, the cache falls under the broader field of “Huizhou sources” (Huizhou wenshu 徽州文書), a designation for the array of documents, manuscripts, and rare imprints that were passed down in private collections and have transformed the study of local lineage culture in late imperial China. For an introduction to these materials, see Guifu, Yan 嚴桂夫, Huizhou lishi dang'an zongmu tiyao 徽州歷史檔案總目提要 (Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1996)Google Scholar; Guifu, Yan and Guojian, Wang 王國鍵, Huizhou wenshu dang'an 徽州文書檔案 (Hefei: Anhui renmin chubanshe, 2005)Google Scholar.

¹³ “This paper was the arsenal he drew upon, a kind of tool for thinking: his ‘paperware’ for our ‘software’”: Miller, Peter N., Peiresc's Mediterranean World (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015), 15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ On the origins of the expression “Four Treasures of the Scholar's Studio” (wenfang sibao), see Tao, Chen 陳濤, “Wenfang sibao yuanliu kao” 《文房四寶》源流考, Zhongyuan wenhua yanjiu 中原文化研究 1 (2014): 57–63Google Scholar. The first use of the expression is conventionally attributed to Mei Yaochen 梅堯臣 (1002–1060), see Yaochen, Mei, Mei Yaochen ji biannian jiaozhu 梅堯臣集編年校注, edited by Dongrun, Zhu 朱東潤 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980), 25: 809Google Scholar. For an introduction to the broader family of desktop objects, see Watt, James C. Y., “The Literati Environment,” The Chinese Scholar's Studio: Artistic Life in the Late Ming Period, edited by Li, Chu-tsing and Watt, James C. Y. (New York: Asia Society Galleries, 1987)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Gitelman, Lisa, Paper Knowledge: Toward a Media History of Documents (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014), xCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ The phrase “culture of wen” is from Ko, Dorothy, The Social Life of Inkstones: Artisans and Scholars in Early Qing China (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2017), 3Google Scholar.

¹⁷ For an introduction to the “material culture of calligraphy” or the technologies of brush, ink, inkstone, and paper—as they took shape in the Northern Song, see Yanchiuan He, “The Materiality, Style, and Culture of Calligraphy in the Northern Song Dynasty (960–1127)” (PhD diss., Boston University, 2013).

¹⁸ Mullaney, Thomas S., The Chinese Typewriter: A History (Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017), 15Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Clunas, Craig, Superfluous Things: Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern China (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Renshu, Wu 巫仁恕 [Wu Jen-shu], Pinwei shehua: wan Ming de xiaofei shehui yu shidafu 品味奢華: 晚明的消費社會與士大夫 (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiu yuan, Lianjing chubanshe, 2007)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Brook, Timothy, The Confusions of Pleasure: Commerce and Culture in Ming China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998)Google Scholar. The four occupations, in order of priority, were: scholar, farmer, artisan, merchant. On the origins of the scheme, see Barbieri-Low, Anthony, Artisans in Early Imperial China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007), 36–37Google Scholar.

²¹ McDermott, Joseph, “The Art of Making a Living in Sixteenth Century China,” Kaikodo Journal 5 (1997): 63–81Google Scholar.

²² As Dorothy Ko notes: “Social status … had become largely a matter of performance, posturing, and self-claims that are subject to social perception and judgment.” Ko, The Social Life of Inkstones, 200.

²³ McDermott, Joseph P., The Making of a New Rural Order in Southern China: 1. Village, Land, and Lineage in Huizhou 900–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 431CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ McDermott, The Making of a New Rural Order, 432.

²⁵ For an overview, see Yulian, Wu, Luxurious Networks: Salt Merchants, Status, and Statecraft in Eighteenth-Century China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2017), 31–47Google Scholar; Ping-ti, He, “The Salt Merchants of Yang-Chou: A Study of Commercial Capitalism in Eighteenth-century China,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 17, no. 1/2 (1954), 130–68Google Scholar.

²⁶ Ying-shih, Yü 余英時, Zhongguo jinshi zongjiao lunli yu shangren jingshen 中國近時宗教倫理與商人精神 (Taibei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1987), 109Google Scholar.

²⁷ Min, Xu 許敏, “Shixi Mingdai houqi Jiangnan shanggu jiqi zidi de wenrenhua xianxiang—cong Fang Yongbin tanqi” 試析明代後期江南商賈及其子弟的文人化現象—從方用彬談起, Zhongguo shi yanjiu 中國史研究 3 (2005): 157–72Google Scholar.

²⁸ Wu, Luxurious Networks, 14.

²⁹ In this sense, Fang's papers allow for a belated response to Joanna Handlin Smith's supposition that “rich merchants may have introduced new consumption habits to the bureaucratic elite.” See Smith, Joanna Handlin, “Review of Superfluous Things: Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern China,” Journal of Asian Studies 51 (1992): 885–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ On arguments for the centrality of skill reproduction to social organization, see Eyferth, Jacob, Eating Rice from Bamboo Roots: The Social History of a Community of Handicraft Papermakers in Rural Sichuan, 1920–2000 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009), 6–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ In invoking this notion of a “middle ground,” I have been inspired by Ursula Klein and E. C. Spary: “[this middle ground], where technical competence, connoisseurship, and learned natural knowledge were converging and from which hybrid experts emerged, borrowing skill, language, and explanations from both the artisanal and the scholarly worlds.” See Klein, Ursula and Spary, E. C., “Introduction,” in Materials and Expertise in Early Modern Europe, edited by Klein, Ursula and Spary, E. C. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³² On “domains,” see Johns, Adrian, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 59CrossRefGoogle Scholar: “domains … were dynamic localities defined by physical environment, work, and sociability. Discrete but interlocking, they both exhibited and were constituted by particular clusters of representations, practices, and skills.”

³³ Klein and Spary, “Introduction,” 6. On the “leitmotif of mobility” as a characteristic of entrepreneurship, see Rea, Christopher G. and Volland, Nicolai, The Business of Culture: Cultural Entrepreneurs in China and Southeast Asia, 1900–65 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2014), 15Google Scholar.

³⁴ Wu, Luxurious Networks, 187.

³⁵ For an overview, see Wanshu, Zhu 朱萬曙, Huishang yu Ming Qing wenxue 徽商與明清文學 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2014), 50–59Google Scholar.

³⁶ Chen, “Fang Yongbin jiqi qinyou” 方用彬及其親友, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1–2.

³⁷ See Qi Jiguang 戚繼光 [Earth: 8]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1026. Wang Daokun served alongside Qi as Surveillance Vice Commissioner (Fujian ancha fushi 福建按察副使) in campaigns against “dwarf pirates” (wokou 倭寇) in Fujian from 1562 to 1566. They developed a life-long bond that explains Fang's access to Qi. See Weitang, Jiang 姜緯堂, “Qi Nantang yu Wang Taihan” 戚南塘與汪太函, in Qi Jiguang yanjiu lunji 戚繼光研究論集, edited by Yan Chongnian 閻崇年 (Beijing: Zhishi chubanshe, 1990), 318–51Google Scholar. Zhang Yaowen's miraculous return from the dead was a widely circulated tale in the late Ming. Yaowen had travelled to Beijing to take the exams with his elder brother Zhang Kewen 張克文 in 1567. Yaowen fell ill and appeared to have passed away, yet after Kewen prayed day and night to Guan Yu 關羽, his younger brother returned to life. The following year, Kewen obtained the rank of jinshi in the exams, and sixteen years later Yaowen also achieved the rank of jinshi, after which he was posted to serve as a magistrate in Jingxian 涇縣 to the north of Shexian. Fang Yongbin preserved ten letters from Zhang Yaowen and compiled a series of poems, “Verse on Returning to Life” (Huisheng shi 回生詩), from his correspondents dedicated to Zhang (there are no surviving copies of Fang's own poems for this collection). For an introduction, see Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 201–11. Fang also served as an intermediary through whom Zhang requested a stele inscription from Wang Daokun; see Zhang Yaowen [Sun: 72]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 200–201.

³⁸ Chen, “Fang Yongbin jiqi qinyou,” Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 2.

³⁹ For a recent critical biography of Wang, see Jian, Zhang 張健, Huizhou hongru Wang Daokun yanjiu 徽州鴻儒汪道昆研究 (Hefei: Anhui shifan daxue chubanshe, 2014)Google Scholar. A critical chronology of Wang's life can be found in Shuofang, Xu 徐朔方, “Wang Daokun nianpu” 汪道昆年譜, Wan Ming qujia nianpu 晚明曲家年譜, edited by Xu (Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1983), vol. 3Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Qitao, Guo, Ritual Opera and Mercantile Lineage: The Confucian Transformation of Popular Culture in Late Imperial Huizhou (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005), 234Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Chengyao, Xu 許承堯, “Wang Yanzhou zhuren you She” 王弇州諸人遊歙, Sheshi xiantan 歙事閑譚 (Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2001), 413Google Scholar.

⁴² Appadurai, Arjun, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,” in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, edited by Appadurai, Arjun (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ Appadurai, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,” 21.

⁴⁴ Xinru, Liu 劉心如 [Liu Hsin-ju], “Xin'an juyan: Zhan Jingfeng yu wan Ming jianshang jia de diyu jingzheng” 新安具眼：詹景鳳與晚明鑑賞家的地域競爭, Mingdai yanjiu 明代研究 18, no. 6 (2012): 83–104Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See Wu Qizhen (1607–1677) in Qizhen, Wu 吳其貞, Shuhua ji 書畫記 (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1963), 160–61Google Scholar: “There were no better places that exemplified the prosperity of Huizhou than Shexian and Xiuning. The possession of antiquities determined whether one was cultivated or vulgar. Therefore, people contended for acquisition at all costs. Hearing that, antique dealers from everywhere came to Huizhou, and the merchants traveling in other cities searched for and brought back antiques. Consequently, acquisition increased greatly. This trend began with the vice- minister of war Wang Daokun and his brothers.” 憶昔我徽之盛， 莫如休， 歙二縣，而雅俗之分， 在於古玩之有無，故不惜重值爭而收入。時四方貨玩者， 聞風奔至， 行商于外者， 搜尋而歸， 因此所得甚多。 其風始開於汪司馬兄弟. For a brief introduction to art collecting in sixteenth and seventeenth century Huizhou, see Kuo, Jason Chi-sheng, “Hui-chou Merchants as Art Patrons in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” Artists and Patrons: Some Social and Economic Aspects of Chinese Painting, edited by Li, Chu-tsing (Lawrence, KS: Kress Foundation Dept. of Art History in association with University of Washington Press, 1989), 177–88Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Wang Shizhen 王世貞 [Sun: 1]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 17.

⁴⁷ A letter from Sheng Shitai 盛時泰 (1529–1578) to Fang Yongbin from the eighth month of 1574 records an invitation to meet with Li Minbiao in Beijing, see Sheng Shitai [Water: 6]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 810. Fang travelled to Guangdong in 1582 to attend Li's funeral. Much of the correspondence with scholars from Guangdong in the Harvard-Yenching cache stems from Fang's relationship with Li Minbiao and his younger brother Li Minhuai 黎民褱; see Chen, “Fang Yongbin jiqi qinyou,” Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 45. On Fang's training with Li (and the aforementioned scroll of Tao's poetry), see Daokun, Wang, “Li Mishu shu Tao shi hou” 黎秘書書陶詩後, Taihan ji 太函集, edited by Yimin, Hu 胡益民 and Guoqing, Yu 余國慶 (Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2004), 86: 1783Google Scholar. Shi Ye suggests that Fang visited Li in Guangdong twice, first to study calligraphy and then in 1582 for Li's funeral, see Shi, “Cong xin jian Ming ceye,” 139.

⁴⁸ Tan, Tian Yuan, Songs of Contentment and Transgression: Discharged Officials and Literati Communities in Sixteenth-Century North China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 113–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁹ On the concept of fan, see Liu, Lihong, “Collecting the Here and Now: Birthday Albums and the Aesthetics of Association in Mid-Ming China,” The Journal of Chinese Literature and Culture 2.1 (2015), 77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁰ For Wang Daokun's own account of the Fenggan Society, see Wang, “Fenggan she ji” 豐干社記, Taihan ji, 72: 1481. For a detailed introduction, see Chuanyou, Geng 耿傳友, “Baiyu she shulüe” 白榆社述略, Huangshan xueyuan xuebao 黃山學院學報 1 (2007), 29–33Google Scholar; “Wang Daokun yu Mingdai Longqing, Wanli jian de shitan” 汪道昆與明代隆慶，萬曆間的詩壇, Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu 中國文化研究 4 (2006), 100–109Google Scholar.

⁵¹ We see this dynamic at play most clearly in Wang Daokun's relationship with Yongbin's relative Fang Yulu 方于魯 (1541–1608), perhaps the most famous ink manufacturer in late Ming China and a fellow early member of the Fenggan. Wang assisted Yulu in his efforts to publish an anthology of poetry, yet he also took command of Yulu's ink business, commissioning Yulu's inkcakes for his own ends. By the 1580s, Wang had composed several endorsements for Fang's commercial lines of ink and had assumed for himself a dominant editorial role in the publication of Master Fang's Catalogue of Inks (Fangshi mopu 方氏墨譜), a lavishly illustrated print anthology of Fang Yulu's merchandise. See Li-chiang, Lin 林麗江, “Wan Ming Huizhou moshang Cheng Junfang yu Fang Yulu moye de kaizhan yu jingzheng” 晚明徽州墨商程君房與方于魯墨業的開展與競爭, Faguo hanxue 法國漢學 13 (2010), 121–97Google Scholar. Yongbin exchanged letters with Fang Yulu and also sold his wares, see Xie Bi 謝陛 [Fire: 56]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 934; Tian Yiheng [Wood: 51]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 778; Yang Yizhou 楊一洲 [Moon: 19]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 313; Zhang Zhengmeng 張正蒙 [Moon: 35] Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 353; Wu Wanchun 吳萬春 [Metal: 64]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 597. For correspondence between Fang Yongbin and Fang Yulu, see Fang Da'ao 方大滶 [Fire: 62]; [Fire: 92]; [Fire: 93]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 941; 978; 979.

⁵² Fang Ce 方策, Fang Jian 方簡 (1542–1584), Fang Yu 方宇 (1546–1610), and Fang Yulu.

⁵³ Shu 淑 [Wood: 27]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 756.

⁵⁴ Wang, “Zeng Fang sheng xu” 贈方生序, Taihan ji, 3: 72.

⁵⁵ Fang, “Fang Yongbin shiyu,” Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 2.

⁵⁶ Fang, “Fang Yongbin shiyu,” Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 2.

⁵⁷ Chen, “Fang Yongbin jiqi qinyou,” Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 4–5.

⁵⁸ Wang, “Gaozeng fengzhi dafu hubuyuan wailang Cheng gong ji zeng yiren minshi hezang muzhiming” 誥贈奉直大夫戶部員外郎程公暨贈宜人閔氏合葬墓誌銘, Taihan ji, 55: 1146. For similar statements, see Wang, “Haiyang chushi Jin Zhongweng pei Dai shi hezang muzhi ming” 海陽處士金仲翁配戴氏合葬墓誌銘, Taihan ji, 52: 1099; Wang, “Ming gu chushi Xiyang Wu changgong muzhiming” 明故處士谿陽吳長公墓誌銘, Taihan ji, 54: 1142. For a discussion, see Guo, Ritual Opera and Mercantile Lineage, 60.

⁵⁹ Again, there are illuminating parallels with Fang Yulu, whom Wang Daokun allegedly encouraged to give up poetry to focus on inkmaking. A later tomb epitaph written by Li Weizhen 李維禎 (1547–1626) records how during the course of his participation in the work of the Fenggan Society, Wang Daokun instructed Fang Yulu, whose family had recently fallen on hard times, to turn to inkmaking as a way of “aiding literary thoughts” (zhu wensi 助文思) and “making a living” (zhisheng 治生). This retrospective account presents Wang Daokun not simply as a supporter of Fang's products, but as the inspiration behind his ink business. Li upends the assumption that a merchant-artisan might strive to assume the reputation of a poet by suggesting that Fang Yulu, with Wang Daokun's encouragement, actually progressed from poetry to inkmaking, see Weizhen, Li, “Fang Waishi muzhi ming” 方外史墓誌銘, Dami shan fangji 大泌山房集, in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu 四庫全書存目叢書 (Jinan: Qilu shushe, 1997), vol. 150, 87Google Scholar. Wang Daohui, similarly, moved from his early involvement in the Fenggan Society to acting as an inkstone dealer in Nanjing, see Mengzhen, Feng 馮夢禎, Kuaixue tang riji 快雪堂日記 (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2010), 108–9Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ On praise for Fang Yongbin's poetry from authors of letters in the Harvard-Yenching cache, see Wang Minzhong 汪民中 [Metal: 151]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 718.

⁶¹ For a request of a Wang Daokun tomb memorial (muzhiming 墓誌銘), see Qiu Tan 丘坦 [Water: 43]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 848. On the printing of Fumo, see Fang Wenming 方文明 [Metal: 36]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 551.

⁶² Fang does appear, however, to have collected drafts of poems for compilations on set themes, including an anthology of verse he edited in praise of the magistrate Peng Haogu's 彭好古 response to recent local crop failures, “Ruimai song” 瑞麦頌, Wang Youdao 王有道 [Metal: 136]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 702.

⁶³ For an introduction, see Shi, “Cong xin jian Ming ceye.” The folio contains contributions from Wang Daokun and Li Minbiao among many others.

⁶⁴ Shi, “Cong xin jian Ming ceye,” 139.

⁶⁵ The Leiden poems cover a nineteen-year span, from 1569 to 1588.

⁶⁶ For Fang's gift of a “poem fan” (shishan 詩扇), see Wang Dacheng 汪大成 [Sun: 90]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 245.

⁶⁷ The poem, “Inscribed on Zuoyin's Garden” (Ti Zuoyin yuan 題坐隱園) for Wang Tingne's 汪廷訥 Go Charts by Master Zuoyin (Zuoyin xiansheng dingpu 坐隱先生訂譜), has been reprinted in Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 11.

⁶⁸ Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 11.

⁶⁹ The first painting, “Galloping to the Yan Pavilion” (Yantai xiangshou 燕台驤首), was a scroll based on the tale of King Zhao of Yan 燕昭王 (r. 312–279 BCE) building a legendary Golden Terrace (jintai 金台) to attract worthies to Yan. The focus of the painting is a horse, an allegory for Fang's courage in traveling to Beijing and a reference to a local mountain in Fang's hometown of Yansi Market Town named the “Divine Stallion” (Tianma 天馬). The second painting was on a “Bamboo Grove Dwelling” (Zhuli guan 竹里館), an architectural structure based in Fang Yongbin's garden. Letters in the Harvard cache reveal Fang's efforts to solicit manuscripts of poems on these two topics, yet we do not know if Fang succeeded in publishing these compilations or whether he composed his own verse for the collections. For the Yantai piece, see Zhou Liangyin 周良寅 [Sun: 7]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 44; for the Bamboo Grove work, see Huang Qiaozhu 黃喬柱 [Moon: 34]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 352.

⁷⁰ Fang's poem for Ma, entitled “To a Beauty Painting Orchids” (Fude meiren hualan 賦得美人畫蘭), is appended to a letter from Yu Ce 俞策 [Moon: 110]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 470–71. According to the early Qing poet Qian Qianyi 錢謙益 (1582–1664), Ma Shouzhen took the sobriquet Xianglan because of her talent in painting orchids.

⁷¹ Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 9.

⁷² Yang Yizhou 楊一洲 [Wood: 17]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 746–47.

⁷³ Ma Dian 馬電 [Moon: 115]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 480; Qianshen, Bai 白謙慎, “Chenshi de shiji” 尘事的史跡, Dushu 讀書 1 (2007), 55Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Fang Dawen 方大汶 [Fire: 80]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 968; Yu Jiaren 俞嘉訒 [Fire: 65]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 953; Wang Hongze 汪弘澤 [Metal: 122]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 685–86. For a brief study of the letters, and the light they shed on changing practices of art connoisseurship and patronage in late Ming Huizhou, see Changhong, Zhang 張長虹, Pinjian yu jingying: Mingmo Qingchu Huishang yishu zanzhu yanjiu 品鑒與經營：明末清初徽商藝術贊助研究 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2010), 73–95Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ For examples of Fang giving ink and paper in his requests for paintings, see Liu Jue 劉爵 [Water: 23]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 825–26; Liu Zhijie 劉之節 [Wood: 66]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 798.

⁷⁶ For Baodian, see Fang Dazhi 方大治 [Metal: 82]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 618; Fang Kan 方侃 [Fire: 71]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 958; Fang Shiji 方士極 [Fire: 104]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 991; Baosi, see Fang Yu 方宇 [Metal: 50]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 569; Xu Hang 許沆 [Fire: 18]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 889; Baopu, see Wang Daoguan [Metal: 7]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 506–07.

⁷⁷ Several letters concerning debt repayments refer to Fang Yongbin's cousin Fang Yongxian 方用賢 as a steward of the shop; see Xu Hang [Fire: 24]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 894.

⁷⁸ We do see evidence of the emergence of credit unions and financial trusts through ancestral halls in sixteenth-century Huizhou, yet pawnshops were still central to the operation of providing credit; see L. S. Yang's comments in his classic study: “In the middle of the eighteenth century, pawnshops almost functioned as commercial banks because they made loans on commodities like grain, silk, and cotton.” Liansheng, Yang, Money and Credit in China: A Short History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), 95Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ To begin to parse the significance of practices of pawnbroking across the early modern world, it is first necessary to suspend anachronistic assumptions that only the poor turn to moneylenders for financial assistance. The economic historian Peng Xinwei famously speculated that there were 20,000 pawnshops in sixteenth-century China (as opposed to only 7,000 in the nineteenth century) and while it is impossible to verify the accuracy of these estimates, we do know that a number of such institutions specialized in high-value goods and art works; see Clunas, Superfluous Things, 15 and 135. For an introduction to the distinctive attributes of pawnbroking in Huizhou in the Ming and Qing dynasties, see Shihua, Wang 王世華, “Ming Qing Huizhou dianshang de shengshuai” 明清徽州典商的盛衰, Qingshi yanjiu 清史研究 2 (1999), 62–70Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ The terms of my account have been inspired by Jones, Ann Rosalind and Stallybrass, Peter, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 20Google Scholar. Evidence of pawnbroking in China dates back to the fifth century, and Chinese pawnshops appear to have originated in Buddhist monasteries—the concept of a loan against a pledge may have originated in India. Few business records from China survive from before the nineteenth century except for a seventh-century account book from a pawnshop discussed by Hansen, Valerie, “Records from a Seventh Century Pawnshop in China,” in The Origins of Value: The Financial Innovations That Created Capital Markets, edited by Goetzmann, William N. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 54–59Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Guo, Ritual Opera, 24.

⁸² Jones, Renaissance Clothing, 20.

⁸³ The Leiden folio of poems also contains a short bill for four pawned paintings dated to the fifteenth of the ninth month of 1584: a Guo Xi 郭熙 (1000–1087) landscape for three taels (san lian 三兩); a Tang Yin 唐寅 (1470–1524) inscribed painting for one tael (yi liang 一兩); a tea painting by Wen Zhengming 文徵明 (1470–1559) for one tael (yi liang 一兩); and a Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫 (1254–1322) regular script calligraphy for five mace (wu qian 五錢). Shi, “Cong xin jian Ming ceye,” 141.

⁸⁴ Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1008.

⁸⁵ On the Fenggan Society, see Wang, “Fenggan she ji,” Taihan ji, 72: 1481.

⁸⁶ See, for example, Wu Shouhuai [Metal: 72]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 605. Wu also refers to Fang as “Society Senior” (社長) and himself as “Society Brother” (社弟), invoking their fellowship in Wang Daokun's Fenggan Society.

⁸⁷ On the flowers and plants (所諾菖艸盆并小新筆洗，幸檢發，令蒼頭持來), see Wu Shouhuai [Metal: 87]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 626. For references to the incense and manuscript (拙稿并陽春閣，并乞發下), see Wu Shouhuai [Metal: 86]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 625–26.

⁸⁸ Wu Shouhuai [Fire: 25]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 895; Wu Shouhuai [Fire: 119]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1012.

⁸⁹ Wu Shouhuai [Fire: 28]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 898.

⁹⁰ Wang Daoguan [Metal: 146]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 712.

⁹¹ Wang Daohui [Metal: 8]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 508.

⁹² 久不面, 殊耿耿。炙創未平復, 頗覺體中不堪, 亦未能數遣人詣前。前見家兄 人云, 數日內枉過, 卒不見至, 何耶? 畫五幅，手卷一箇奉返, 乞先照入。仍畫并玩器, 他日再遣上也。祝沈冊葉, 今舍弟來取, 乞付下。程竹窗前令舍弟所買之研, 乞作實價幾何付下。今付去端研一方, 作銀六錢或五錢, 再憑兄判找多少, 并書價一起奉上。《唐四十家詩》并周東村學李唐長畫, 道曄家兄要買, 乞付下一觀。令叔，令兄見中乞致意。病中殊不能一一也。弟貫頓首。允均足下。Wang Daoguan [Metal: 148]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 714.

⁹³ On the sale of inkstones, see Xu Gui 徐桂 [Sun: 41]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 142; Chang Zuo 長 [Moon: 93]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 439.

⁹⁴ Wang Daohui [Metal: 75]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 612.

⁹⁵ Clunas, Superfluous Things, 86.

⁹⁶ Wang's request for Fang to appraise the inkstone represents a reversal from other letters where Fang approached his contacts for assistance in authenticating works of painting or calligraphy: She Qi 佘祈 [Metal: 143]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 709; She Qi [Water: 13]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 817; She Qi [Wood: 47]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 773; Wang Rui 汪睿 [Water: 58]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 868.

⁹⁷ From this perspective, Fang Yongbin's cache represents a remarkable counterpoint to the diaries of renowned art collectors like Li Rihua 李日華, upon which prevalent narratives of the late Ming art market are based. Li's candid account of his day-to-day experiences as a consumer in the art market over the course of eight years from 1609 to 1616, Diary from the Water Tasting Studio (Weishuixuan riji 味水軒日記), frequently refers to Huizhou salesmen (the “Dealer from She” (She gu 歙賈)) who travelled to his residence in Jiaxing 嘉興 to present him with their wares. It was common for Li to use these visits as a chance to display his own superior skills, outwitting the salesman by identifying fakes and correcting erroneous attributions. Fang Yongbin's papers allow us to look at such transactions from the perspective of a dealer, examining the role of the salesman in the construction of taste. See Clunas, Craig, “The Art Market in 17th Century China: The Evidence of the Li Rihua Diary,” History of Art and History of Ideas: Meishushi yu guannian shi 美術史與觀念史, edited by Jingzhong, Fan 范景中, Yiqiang, Cao 曹意強 (Nanjing: Nanjing shifan daxue chubanshe, 2003) vol. 1: 201–24Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ No copy of the catalogue of hats survives, yet we know from another letter written by Wang Yin to Fang that he manufactured (or could at least procure) tailored hats on request (Wang Yin asked Fang for a slightly larger hat made from zitan wood). Wang Yin 王寅 [Water: 62]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 871. Wang Daokun was also a connoisseur of headgear, and his Taihan ji contains an essay on his eight favorite items (“A Record of Eight Hats”), a piece that likens the eight materials of these choice hats (iron gauze, jade, silk, bamboo, gourd, ceramic, horn, sandalwood) to the “eight timbres” (bayin 八音) to evoke the harmony of his collection. It is tempting to speculate, yet difficult to fully ascertain, the extent to which Wang Daokun's self-proclaimed authority as a hat collector, and this essay in particular, were features of the catalogue that Daoguan and Daohui compiled and sent to Fang Yongbin to edit. See Wang, “Baguan ji” 八冠記, Taihan ji, 76: 1570.

⁹⁹ The cache attests to innovations in stationery paper design from the late sixteenth century with a wide-range of woodblock-printed images. For an introduction to these developments, see Suzanne E. Wright, “Chinese Decorated Letter Papers,” in A History of Chinese Letters, 97–134.

¹⁰⁰ 有所欲言，容小僮面禀。雜色自製小箋，惠數番至感。佐公再頓首。Qiao Zuoqing 鄥佐卿 [Moon: 33]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 349, 350; 外記室所製彩箋，惠徼數種，幸示所值於來人，便登入也。Jiang Hongxu 姜鴻緒 [Moon: 82]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 415 (this particular request appears on a piece of paper bearing a woodblock stamp of a bronze cauldron copied from the Xuanhe bogu tu); 帋葉竹刷能付此力否？見諸親友一一道謝，千萬。Zhu Duozheng 朱多炡 [Moon: 30]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 341. For references to Fang Yongbin's ink, see Yuan Fuzhi 袁福徵 [Moon: 55]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 294; Wang Wuze 汪無擇 [Metal: 74]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 607.

¹⁰¹ The calligraphy for stamping seals is based on what is conventionally translated in English as “seal script”: either “great seal script” (dazhuan 大篆) primarily from the mid-eighth century BCE set of “Stone Drums” and inscriptions on bronze ritual artifacts; or, more commonly, “small seal script” (xiaozhuan 小篆), an official script for the Qin court based on Li Si's modifications of the regional scripts of the late Zhou.

¹⁰² Huang Xueceng 黃學曾 [Earth: 17]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1036.

¹⁰³ A letter from Fang Maoxue 方懋學 in the metal folio praises a bamboo hairpin 承賜竹簪併妙書，足感高情。Fang Maoxue [Metal: 48]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 567.

¹⁰⁴ Pan Wei 潘緯 [Wood: 24]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 753. See also Fang Weichong 方惟充 [Wood: 8]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 738.

¹⁰⁵ Fang Dazhi [Metal: 105]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 659.

¹⁰⁶ 彫蟲之藝，已請教于大家，倘更示以矩模，不勝感德。Anonymous [probably written in Beijing] [Earth: 12]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 1031.

¹⁰⁷ Wang Jun [Metal: 46]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 565.

¹⁰⁸ Wang Jun [Metal: 45]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 563.

¹⁰⁹ It is unclear whether Pengchi (蓬池), here, refers to the “Pond of Penglai” (蓬萊池) or to “Peng Lake” (蓬池), alluded to in Ruan Ji's 阮籍 famous line: “Strolling by Peng Lake, I let my eyes settle on Daliang: waves form ceaselessly from the blue waters, the countryside stretches far away” 徘徊蓬池上，還顧望大梁。綠水揚洪波，曠野莽茫茫。. The disjunction between sickness and immortality in the first instance would seem to suggest worries with lengthening one's life; in the second instance, Ruan Ji's poem carries overtones of decay and gloom as he muses on the ruined capital of Wei.

¹¹⁰ Wang Hui [Moon: 109]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 469.

¹¹¹ Wang Hui [Metal: 79]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 615.

¹¹² 1) Wu Liangzhi [Metal: 94]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 633; 2) [Metal: 95]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 634; 3) [Metal: 114]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 670; 4) [Wood: 2]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 732. Wu Liangzhi became famous for his skill in working with bronze and, through his collaboration with Zhang Xueli 張學禮of Yangzhou, produced copies of three thousand seals for an influential anthology of ancient impressions, primarily from the Qin and Han, A Gathering of Seals from Research on the Proper Scripts of Antiquity (Kaogu zhengwen yinsou 攷古正文印藪), published in 1589.

¹¹³ Shiqing, Wang 汪世清, “Huizhou xue yanjiu de zhongda gongxian: Mingdai Huizhou Fang shi qinyou shouzha qibai tong kaoshi du houji” 徽州學研究的重大貢獻：《明代徽州方氏親友手札七百通考釋》讀後記, Hefei xueyuan xuebao合肥學院學報 21.1 (2004), 18Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ 聞近來所得古圖甚富，得一一即印示為幸。Zhan Jingfeng [Metal: 100]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 641.

¹¹⁵ Zhan Jingfeng [Metal: 53]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 386.

¹¹⁶ Bai, Qianshen, Fu Shan's World: The Transformation of Chinese Calligraphy in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003), 51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁷ For a study of other Suzhou literati engaged in seal carving activities around Wen Peng, see Heng, Huang 黃悙, “Mingdai chu, zhongqi wenren yinzhang yishu diaoshen” 明代初，中期文人印章藝術釣沈, Xiling yinshe guoji yinxue yantao hui lunwen ji 西泠印社國際印學研討會論文集 (Hangzhou: Xiling yinshe chubanshe, 1998), 10Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ 工人之印以法論，章字畢具，方入能品；文人之印以趣勝，天趣流動，超然上乘。Jian, Zhu 朱簡, Yin jing 印經, Lidai yinxue lun wenxuan 歷代印學論文選, edited by Tianheng, Han 韓天衡 (Hangzhou: Xiling yinshe chubanshe, 1999), 2: 141Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Yaoqing, Cai 蔡耀慶, Mingdai yinxue fazhan yinsu yu biaoxian zhi yanjiu 明代印學發展因素與表現之研究 (Taibei: Guoli lishi bowuguan bian, 2007), 139Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Lianggong, Zhou 周亮工, Yinren zhuan heji 印人傳合集, edited by Yu Liangzi 于良子 (Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 2014), 1: 18–19Google Scholar.

¹²¹ There are, however, no references in Wang Daokun's own collected writings to meetings with Wen Peng and it seems unlikely, given what we now know of their biographies, that the two men ever actually crossed paths in Nanjing. The earliest date Wang could have been posted to the Southern Capital was the fifth month of 1572 by which point Wen was already in Beijing. For a short study of Wen Peng's time in Beijing and Nanjing in his later years, see Dongqin, Liu 劉東芹, “Wen Peng wannian shufa zhuanke huodong ji liangjing xingji kaoshu” 文彭晚年書法篆刻活動及兩京行跡考述, Shuhua yishu xuekan 書畫藝術學刊 3 (2007), 431–38Google Scholar.

¹²² We know from surviving poems that Wang Daokun promoted He Zhen's work as a seal carver, eulogizing his distinctive “Ancient Seal-Script Seal” (古篆印章), repeatedly celebrating his attention to ancient sources, and sending him off to the northern frontier to make money carving for garrisons and military staff. There are four poems in Taihan ji: Wang, “Jingkou song He Zhuchen huan Haiyang wei mu chenru ren qishi shou” 京口送何主臣還海陽為母陳孺人七十壽, Taihan ji, 117: 2663; Wang, “Song He Zhuchen zhi Chu shi jueju” 送何主臣之楚十絕句, Taihan ji, 120: 2781; Wang, “Song He Zhuchen beiyou si jueju” 送何主臣北游四絕句, Taihan ji, 120: 2771; Wang, “He Changqing” 何長卿古篆印章, Taihan ji, 116: 2594.

¹²³ The artisan was named Li Wenfu 李文甫: “Formerly, all of the seals made by Wen were ivory; he would write with ink and get Li Wenfu from Jinling to carve the characters. Li was talented at carving the sides of fans—his carving had a flowerlike quality, finely intricate with resonance. Wen relied on him for his seals, yet he never lost the intent behind Wen's brush strokes. Consequently, with Wen's ivory seals, half came from Li's hand. Since obtaining the stones, he has not gone back to making ivory seals.” 先是，公所為印皆牙章，自落墨，而命金陵人李文甫鐫文。李善雕扇邊，其鐫花卉，皆玲瓏有致。公以印屬之，輒能不失公筆意。故公牙章半出李手。自得石後，乃不復作牙章。Zhou, Yinren zhuan, 1: 19.

¹²⁴ She Qi [Water: 13]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 817.

¹²⁵ Zun 遵 [Metal: 52]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 571.

¹²⁶ From one angle, Fang could even be cast in the Wen Peng story as the shopkeeper who refuses to pay for the load of soft stone, failing to understand its true significance; or as the hired carver of ivory fans who assisted scholars in the production of their seal stamps (Fang, as we have seen, was known for his skills in carving ivory).

¹²⁷ Bai, Fu Shan's World, 52.

¹²⁸ The use of multi-colored printing in late Ming Huizhou is usually traced to a red-and-black ink edition of Lü Kun's 呂坤 (1536–1618) Ten Volumes of Prescriptions for the Inner Chamber (Guifan shiji 閨范十集) and the five-colored prints in Cheng Junfang's 程君房 (1541–1610) Master Cheng's Garden of Inks (Chengshi moyuan 程氏墨苑), yet Fang's handbills precede these publications, demonstrating that the design of paper flyers contributed to innovations in woodblock production, enlarging the possibilities for formatting and graphic display in print.

¹²⁹ Adding a certificatory seal to print adverts (in order to guarantee their authenticity) is a well-attested practice in sources from the Qing, see Tunjian, Zhai 翟屯建, “Huizhou sanjian yinshua pin yanjiu” 徽州散件印刷品研究, in Huizhou: shuye yu diyu wenhua 徽州：書業與地域文化, edited by Bussotti, Michela [Migaila 米盖拉], and Wanshu, Zhu, Faguo Hanxue 13 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010), 394Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ On requests for tea see Wu Liangqi 吳良琦 [Metal: 93]: Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 632.

¹³¹ For Wang Daokun's poem, see Wang, “Songluo shi xincha” 松蘿試新茶, Taihan ji, 111: 2428; Wang wrote various other poems on his trips to Mount Pine Lichen: Wang, “Songluo daozhong” 松蘿道中, Taihan ji, 111: 2428; Wang, “Su Songluo Wu Tian zhu junzi zai jiu jianfang” 宿松蘿吳田諸君子載酒見訪, Taihan ji, 111: 2429. Wang also composed another poem on testing fresh tea, yet he does not refer to a particular site—the imagery of this poem closely resembles his poem on Songluo; see Wang, “Shi xincha” 試新茶, Taihan ji, 109: 2295. An early poetic endorsement for Pine Lichen has also been attributed to Wang Daohui; see Shanyuan, Hu 胡山源, Gujin chashi 古今茶事 (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1985), 201Google Scholar.

¹³² Jiang Dongshi 江東士 [Wood: 69]: Chen, Mingdai Huizhou Fang, 801.

¹³³ Prior to the arrival at Pine Lichen of a monk named Dafang 大方 from the Huqiu monastery 虎丘寺in Suzhou, there had not been any tea cultivation in Huizhou. Dafang did not actually plant tea at Pine Lichen, but pan-fried tea leaves that he had collected from neighboring mountains.

¹³⁴ Reprinted in Chen, Fang shi qinyou shouzha, 13.

¹³⁵ Renshu, Wu [Wu Jen-shu] 巫仁恕, “Ming Qing de guanggao wenhua yu chengshi xiaofei fengshang” 明清的廣告文化與城市消費風尚, in Zhongguo shi xinlun: Shenghuo yu wenhua fence 中國史新論：生活與文化分冊, edited by Qiu Zhonglin 邱仲麟 (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiu yuan, 2013), 353–76Google Scholar.