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Southern Song Freelance Painters (1127–1279): Commerce Between the Imperial Court and the Lin'an Art Market

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 November 2020

Huiping Pang Open the ORCID record for Huiping Pang [Opens in a new window]
Huiping Pang*
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Hong Kong Palace Museum
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*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article makes visible the complex social position of a previously overlooked class of Southern Song artists: freelance painters, who worked for the imperial court on a temporary, as-needed basis, but who have been mischaracterized as permanent, official “court painters” by post-Song historiographers. Through an analysis of the careers of freelance painters such as Chen Qingbo and Li Dong, I posit a hybrid class of adjunct-artists, who made their livings by operating fan shops in the capital's streets but at times also contracted with the court. How did the emperor exploit contingent artists while simultaneously allowing market agents (guilds and brokers) to protect their benefits? How did the freelance painters increase their profits by developing entrepreneurial relations with the court and by competing with other freelancers in a fierce market? By exploring how the Southern Song court mobilized non-court painters through consensual contracts, this article differentiates freelancers from court painters, thereby dismantling long-held myths about the Southern Song painting academy.

Keywords

Southern Song painting academyfreelance paintercourt painterconsensual employmentguilds and brokers
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Chinese History 中國歷史學刊 , Volume 5 , Issue 1 , January 2021 , pp. 23 - 58
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Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2020

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Footnotes

I am grateful to Patricia Ebrey and Beverly Bossler for their insightful comments. Their profound knowledge in Song history and exacting attention to details like the hegu contracts and palace entertainers have been allowed me to merit historical and art historical research into one. Helpful suggestions from two anonymous reviewers have allowed me to modify my descriptions on several fan paintings, which I identify as freelance workshop products. Laura Macy copyedited this work, and Rachel Altizio was the production editor for my article. Thanks also go to Rachael Freeman, the AIC's former associate paper conservator, who took photomicrographs with me for Figure 14.

References

1 Previously, traditional viewpoints maintained that the Southern Song court reestablished the Hanlin Painting Academy in Lin'an after 1127, although scholars continue to debate the precise dates of its resurrection. See Xia Wenyan 夏文彥 (act. 1312–1370) Tuhui baojian 圖繪寶鑑 (Precious Mirror of Painting; hereafter THBJ; 1365), in Huashi congshu 畫史叢書 (hereafter HSCS) (Taipei: Wenshizhe, 1974), vol. 1, 100–106; Edwards, Richard, “The Landscape of Li Tang,” Archives of Chinese Art Society of America 12 (1958), 48–60Google Scholar; and 鈴木敬, Suzuki Kei, “Gagakuo chūshin to shita Kisō Gaen no kaikaku to intai sansuiga yōshiki no seiritsu” 畫學を中心とした徽宗畫院の改革と院體山水畫樣式の成立, Tōyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō 東洋文化研究所紀要 38 (1965), 145–84Google Scholar.

2 For recent scholarship, see Huiping Pang, “Xuni de diantang: Nansong huahua zhi shengshe zhizhi yu houshi xiangxiang” 虛擬的殿堂: 南宋畫院之省舍職制與後世想像 (Southern Song Painting Academy: Its Organization and Post-1279 Historiographical Reconstruction) (Beijing: Beijing University Press, 2018), 13; Huiping Pang, “Zouchu gongqiang: You huajia shisan ketan gongting huashi de minjian xing” 走出宮牆: 由畫家十三科談宮廷畫師的民間性, Yishu shi yanjiu 藝術史研究 7 (2005), 179–216; and Huiping Pang, Nansong gongting huashi zhi gongzhi moshi yanjiu 南宋宮廷畫師之供職模式研究 (How Did Court Painters Operate in the Southern Song?), Gugong xuekan 3 (2007), 230–51.

3 Having secured positions with fixed salaries, the government-affiliated artisans painted decorative art for their departments, such as the Court Clothing and Regalia (e.g. painter Chen Chun 陳椿), the Ministry of Works (e.g. painter Ma Hezhi 馬和之), the Palace Maintenance Office (e.g. painter Lu Zhuang 魯莊). They designed patterns for murals, ceramics, or textiles. See Wu Zimu 吳自牧 (act. 1270–1275), Mengliang lu 夢梁錄 (The Record of Dreaming about Bianliang; hereafter MLL) (1275: Beijing: Zhongguo shangye, 1982), 9.72. See also Huiping Pang, “Nansong huahua zhi shengshe zhizhi yu houshi xiangxiang” 南宋畫院之省舍職制與後世想像 (“The Organization of the So-called Southern Song Painting Academy as a Post-1279 Imaginary Construct”), Gugong xuekan 故宮學刊 2 (2005), 62–86.

4 In this article, I use the term “freelance painters” to include a variety of “non-court painters” (e.g. studio art tutors, pupils, and registered commercial painters) as it better evokes the flexibility of the position than “commercial painters” (merchants who paid sales tax) does. The word “freelance” also signifies a gray area: these painters enjoyed the freedom of receiving or rejecting commissions from the populace and the imperial court.

5 After the institutional abolishment of jiaofang bu (Office of Entertainment Music) in 1161, musician-entertainers were mostly commissioned by the court on an occasional, as-needed basis. Street entertainers were often hired by the court to perform together with “court regulars” (musicians previously belonged to jiaofang bu office). See Bossler, Beverly, Courtesans, Concubines, and the Cult of Female Fidelity (Cambridge: Harvard Asia Center, 2016), 167–71Google Scholar. For differences between painters and musicians, and their service modes to the court, see Huiping Pang, Huiping Pang, “Xuni de diantang 虛擬的殿堂”, 165–68.

6 Since 610 CE, craftsmen had organized specialization-based guilds (hang 行) to protect themselves from extortion by negotiating with the government. According to Quan Hansheng 全漢昇, there existed 414 guilds in the Southern Song capital. See Quan, Zhongguo hanghui zhidushi 中國行會制度史 (A History of the Guild System in China) (Taipei: Shihuo, 1986), 53–64. In this article, I focus exclusively on guilds in Lin'an—which negotiated directly with the Southern Song central government or imperial court—rather than guilds in regional provinces.

7 For convenience, I use “guilds” as an umbrella term to refer to various commercial unions similar to hang guilds, such as shi 市 (marketplaces) and zuo 作 (workshops). See MLL, 13.105; Nai Deweng 耐得翁 (thirteenth century), Ducheng jisheng 都城紀勝 (Magnificent Era in the Capital; hereafter DCJS) (1239; Beijing: Zhongguo shangye, 1982), 1.4; and Xihu Laoren 西湖老人 (1200–1250), Xihu laoren fansheng lu 西湖老人繁勝錄 (1250; Record of Splendor by the Old Man of West Lake; hereafter XHLR) (Beijing: Zhongguo shangye, 1982), no juan, p. 18. See also Gernet, Jacques, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250–1276 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1970), 86–89Google Scholar; Quan, Zhongguo, 44; Wei Tianan 魏天安, Songdai hanghui zhidushi 宋代行會制度史 (History of the Guild System in Song Dynasty) (Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1997), chapters 2 and 5; and Li Xiao 李曉, Songchao gomai zhidu yanjiu 宋朝購買制度研究 (Purchase Systems in the Song Dynasty) (Shanghai: Renmin, 2007), 395–96.

8 Comparisons between the Song guilds with those of Europe and America fall beyond the scope of this paper; for more on western guilds, see Brandon-Jones, John, “Architects and the Art Workers’ Guild,” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 121.5200 (1973), 193–94Google Scholar; Hogan, John, “From Guild to Union: The Evolution of the Dublin Bricklayers’ Society,” Saothar 26 (2001), 17–24Google Scholar; and Archino, Sarah, “The People's Art Guild and the Forward Exhibition of 1917,” American Art 27.3 (2013), 14–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 I use the term “academy,” to include both Painting Academy (huayuan) and Painting School (huaxue 畫學, 1104–1110). For Huizong's supervision of court painters, see Ebrey, Patricia, Emperor Huizong (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014), 200CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Xu Song 徐松 (1781–1848) et al., Songhuiyao jigao 宋會要輯稿 (Compendium of The Song Dynasty Statutes; hereafter SHY) (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1964), 75.2988.

11 Note that the SHY records for the Fan Studio all date to the Northern Song, rather than the Southern Song. Its upper department—the Crafts Institute—was nominally reinstated in 1131, but was not given a building until 1142. Up to the 1160s, the institute possessed only three rooms with five clerks and a few Official Craftsmen 官工 as its formal employees. Later, thousands of freelancers were hired to supplement its insufficient workforce. See SHY, 75.2988.

12 For Li Song, see HJBY, 2.915; THBJ, 4.103; Zhu Mouyin 朱謀垔 (seventeenth century), Huashi huiyao 畫史會要 (Outline History of Painting; hereafter HSHY; 1631), in Zhongguo shuhua quanshu 3.541. For Li Song's pupils, see Laing, Ellen, “Li Sung and Some Aspects of Southern Sung Figure Painting,” Artibus Asiae 37.1 (1975), 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 For Ma Yuan, see HJBY 2.916; THBJ 4.104; and Zhou Mi 周密 (1232–1308), Qidong yeyu 齊東野語 (Wild Talks of Eastern Qi) (1291; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), 11.222.

14 For Xia Gui, see HJBY, 2.916; THBJ, 4.103. See also Edwards, Richard, “Hsia Kuei or Hsia Shen?” The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 73.10 (1986), 390–405Google Scholar.

15 The term yuqian appears in Zhou Mi, Wulin jiushi 武林舊事 (Recollections of Wulin; hereafter WLJS) (1280s; Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin, 1984), 6.105. Emperor Gaozong (r. 1127–1162) called his court painter Xiao Zhao (c.p. 1130–1160) “yuqian Xiao Zhao” 御前蕭照. See Ye Shaoweng 葉紹翁 (1200–1250), Sichao wenjian lu 四朝聞見錄 (Hearsay from the Reigns of Four Emperors) (1220; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), bing 110. Likewise, Liang Kai signed his name “yuqian painter, Liang Kai” 御前圖畫梁楷 in his painting Śākyamuni Emerging from the Mountains (Tokyo National Museum).

16 Unless otherwise noted, this table is derived from THBJ, 4.102–4.109.

17 Zhao Sheng 趙升 (act. 1236), Chaoye leiyao 朝野類要 (Important Affairs at Court and in the Country) (1236; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010), 2.49.

18 For example, Emperor Gaozong bestowed upon Xiao Zhao gold and silk for Xiao's completion of a wall painting. See Ye Shaoweng, Sichao, bing 110.

19 Some court painters—e.g. Xia Gui in 8a rank, Li Tang 李唐 (ca. 1070–1130) in 9a rank, Li Ti 李迪 (ca. 1100-after 1197) in 9a, Su Hanchen 蘇漢臣 (c.p. 1120s–1160s) in 9b rank—received honorary military titles. The other half, such as Ma Gongxian (8b rank), Yan Ciyu (8b), and Xiao Zhao (9b), took civil titles. See THBJ, 4.100–104. These honorary titles (e.g. Gentleman for Fostering Uprightness) emerged during Huizong's institutional reform in 1112 and continued to be used in the Southern Song. See Song dazhaoling ji 宋大詔令集 (Collected Grand Edicts and Decrees of the Song Dynasty) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), 163.622.

20 SHY, 79.3126.

21 For Southern Song official ranks, salaries, and promotions, see Gong Yanming 龔延明, Songdai guanzhi cidian 宋代官制辭典 (A Dictionary of Official Titles in Song Dynasty) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), 724–26; and Deng Xiaonan 鄧小南, Aspects of The Selection and Appointment System of Song Civil Officials 宋代文官選任制度諸層面 (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu, 1993), 144. Here I list basic salaries without detailing other forms of allowance (e.g. rice, silk).

22 Zhou Mi listed various fields of yuqian men under the same category, “zhuse jiyi ren” 諸色伎藝人. See WLJS, 6.105; Zhao Sheng, Chaoye, 2.49; DCJS, 1.9; and XHLR, 16.

23 Zhuang Chuo 莊綽 (act. 1079–1149), Jile bian 雞肋編 (Chicken Rib Chronicles) (after 1139; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), xia 93.

24 Scholars equate daizhao with the official title “painter-in-attendance,” and zhihou with “usher.” See Scarlett Jang, “Issues of Public Service in the Themes of Chinese Court Painting” (PhD Diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1989).

25 For the uses of the Southern Song imperial portraiture, see Ebrey, Patricia, “The Ritual Context of Sung Imperial Portraiture,” in Arts of the Sung and Yuan, edited by Liu, Cary (Princeton: Princeton Art Museum, 1999), 73Google Scholar.

26 Jin Yinzhi 金盈之 (fl. 11th c.), Zuiweng tanlu 醉翁談錄 (The Drunken Man's Talk), 4.2, in Dongjing menghua luzhu 東京夢華錄注, edited by Deng Zhicheng (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1999).

27 After Empress dowager Yang's death, from 1233 to 1264 Lizong often hired hegu 和雇 (consensual employment) musicians and performers for court banquets. See WLJS, 1.14–20; 4.56–66. For the Southern Song hegu system, see SHY, 75.2990; Zhao Sheng, Chaoye, 1.31.

28 For the Daoist temple Taiyi, see Li, T June ed., Treasures through Six Generations: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy from the Weng Collection (San Marino: Huntington Library Press, 2009), 42Google Scholar.

29 For Spring Dawn, see Cahill, James, An Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings: Tang, Song, Yuan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 70Google Scholar. Cahill dates the Long Bridge to the late Song era, but he does not associate it with Chen Qingbo's style. See Cahill, Index of Early Chinese Painters, 204.

30 THBJ, 4.107.

31 For cultural geography of the West Lake, see Duan, Xiaolin, “The Ten Views of West Lake,” in Visual and Material Cultures in Middle Period China, edited by Patricia Buckley Ebrey and Shih-shan Susan Huang (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 162–80Google Scholar.

32 The Scholar fan has been dated by art historians to various dynasties, from the late Yuan (1279–1368) to the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing dynasties (1644–1911). The Art Institute of Chicago's archive (#1947.533) dates this fan to “Late Yuan or early Ming dynasty, 1350–1400” without further examination. Data accessed on June 10, 2019. No publication discusses this fan.

33 The color wash of the path of Water Village (Figure 9) has a strong grayish-green hue; the path zigzags also exaggeratedly. Human figures and drapery contours are stiffer, shorter, and more stressed than those of the Scholar fan, Spring Dawn (Figure 11), and Long Bridge (Figure 11).

34 The Scholar fan does not bear any inscription or early seal. The only traceable collectors were Wu Dacheng 吳大澂 (1835–1902) and C.F. Yau, from whom the Art Institute purchased it in 1947 without recording the original title. Wu's seal reads “Kezhai jiancang shuhua” 愙齋鑒藏書畫 (Painting and Calligraphy Collected by Kezhai). The decipherment of the seal is my own.

35 Whether or not the Scholar fan painter directly tutored or indirectly inspired Chen is not my primary concern. My overarching point is that, compared to court painters, freelancers might have more freedom in selecting role models and synthetizing multiple schools.

36 After her husband Ningzong's death in 1224, Yang shared the reins of power with the newly crowned Lizong until Yang's death in 1232. See Zhou Mi, Qidong, 3.47; Liu Yiqing 劉一清 (born before 1267), Qiantang yishi 錢塘遺事 (Anecdotes of Qiantang), in Qiantang yishixiao jian kaoyuan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2016), 2.72. See also Bossler, Beverly, “Gender and Entertainment at the Song Court,” in Servants of the Dynasty, Palace Women in World History, edited by Walthall, Anne (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 274Google Scholar; Lee, Hui-shu, Empress, Art, and Agency in Song Dynasty China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2010), 218Google Scholar; and Edwards, Richard, The Heart of Ma Yuan (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2011), 5Google Scholar.

37 THBJ, 4.107.

38 Xia Shizheng 夏時正 (fl. 1475) comp., Chenghua Hangzhou fuzhi 成化杭州府志 (Chenghua Era Gazetteer of Hangzhou, 1475 edn), 45.2557.

39 HSHY, 3.543.

40 Wang Yuxian 王毓賢 (seventeenth century), Huishi beikao 繪事備考 (Notes on Painting Matters; 1691), in Qinding Sikuqian shu edn, 6.36.

41 The same error appears in Li E 厲鶚 (1692–1752), Nansong yuanhua lu 南宋院畫錄 (Records of the Southern Song Painting Academy; 1721), in HSCS, 8.170.

42 MLL, 1.3; XHLR, 1; and WLJS, 2.33.

43 MLL, 13.106–7.

44 MLL, 13.108.

45 MLL, 13.108.

46 Liu Songnian lived in the Qingbo area (known as Anmen 暗門). See MLL, 7.49; and CYLAZ, 5.82. Thus, people called him “Liu Anmen” or “Liu Qingbo.” See THBJ, 4.103; HJBY, 2.916; and HSHY, 3.541.

47 Harrist, Robert, “Watching Clouds Rise: A Tang Dynasty Couplet and Its Illustration in Song Painting,” Cleveland Museum of Art 78.7 (1991), 304Google Scholar. Emperor Ningzong and Empress Yang often inscribed poems on court painter's (e.g. Ma Yuan, Ma Lin) works. See also Huiliang, Zhu, “Imperial Calligraphy of the Southern Song,” in Words and Images: Chinese Poetry, Calligraphy, and Painting (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1991), 289–312Google Scholar; and Lee, Empress, Art, and Agency, 169.

48 MLL, 9.74.

49 Formerly misattributed to Guo Zhongshu 郭忠恕 (tenth century) but stylistically resembles Ma Lin's fan Night Stroll by Lamplight 華燈侍宴圖, the anonymous fan Palace Pleasures 宮樂圖 was probably painted by Ma Lin or his pupil. See Edwards, Richard, “Emperor Ningzong's Night Banquet,” Ars Orientalis 29 (1999), 58–61Google Scholar.

50 MLL, 11.85; Zhou Mi, Guixin zashi 癸辛雜識 (Miscellaneous Records from the Year Guixin) (1279; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988), xia 204; and CYLAZ, 9.161.

51 For other Southern Song fan paintings depicting West Lake, see Lee, Hui-shu, Exquisite Moment: West Lake and Southern Song Art (New York: China Institute Gallery, 2001), 100Google Scholar.

52 Zhou Cong 周淙 (d. 1175), Qiandao Linan zhi 乾道臨安志 (Gazetteer of Linan Compiled During the Qiandao Period) (1169; Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin, 1983), 2.24; and CYLAZ, 5.85.

53 CYLAZ, 7.129; DCJS, 1.13.

54 MLL, 12.96; WLJS, 5.67.

55 Zhou Hui 周煇 (1127–after 1198), Qingbo zazhi 清波雜志 (Miscellaneous Notes from Qingbo District) (1192; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), preface, 1.

56 Ankeney Weitz, “Collecting and Connoisseurship in Early Yuan China: Zhou Mi's Yunyan guoyan” lu (PhD diss., University of Kansas, 1994), 8.

57 Duan, 161. For the growth of local pride in the Southern Song, see Bol, Peter, “The Rise of Local History: History, Geography, and Culture in Southern Song and Yuan Wuzhou,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 61.1 (2001), 37–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For map-making and its political practicality, see Weerdt, Hilde De, “Maps and Memory: Readings of Cartography in Twelfth-and-Thirtieth-Century Song China,” Imago Mundi 61.2 (2009), 146–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58 For the location of the Stone Bridge, see CYLAZ, 7.126.

59 THBJ, 4.103; HSHY, 3.541.

60 THBJ, 4.110; HSHY, 3.544.

61 Deng Chun 鄧椿 (act. 1127–1167), Huaji 畫繼 (Painting Continued; 1167), in HSCS, 6.46.

62 THBJ, 4.110; HJBY, 2.916; and HSHY, 3.544.

63 Scholars agree that Lizong's calligraphy and Li Dong's painting on the facing fan were created around 1261 as a pair. See Zhu Huiliang, “Imperial Calligraphy,” 310; Tung, Wu, Tales from the Land of Dragons: 1000 Years of Chinese Painting (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1997), 182Google Scholar; and Hui-shu Lee, Exquisite Moment, 100.

64 XHLR, 18.

65 According to Meng Yuanlao 孟元老 (act. 1126–1147), private brokers in Kaifeng formed “Four Offices.” Like banquet coordinators, the Northern Song brokers connected freelance chefs to wealthy customers for catering feasts. See Meng, Dongjing menghua lu 東京夢華錄 (The Eastern Capital: A Dream of Splendor; hereafter DJMHL) (1147; Beijing: Zhongguo shangye, 1982), 3.23. In the Southern Song, however, brokers in the Four Offices expanded their services to a variety of fields. Those in the “Office for Furniture Arrangement” acted as art dealers, helping the Lin'an prefectural government to find freelance painters or buy art for royal needs. See Zhao Sheng, Chaoye, 1.31; DCJS, 1.3. See also Yoshinobu Shiba 斯波義信, Sōda shōgyōshi kenkyū 宋代商業史研究 (Commence and Society of Song China) (Tokyo: Kazama shobō, 1968); Quan, Zhongguo, 64–65; and Yoshinobu Shiba, Songdai jiangnan jingjishi yanjiu 宋代江南經濟史研究 (Research on the History of Commence in the Song Dynasty) (Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin, 2012), 323.

66 See WLJS, 2.36; DCJS, 1.8; MLL, 19.169; and Tao Zongyi 陶宗儀 (1316–1403), Zhuogeng lu 輟耕錄 (Records Compiled After Returning from the Farm) (1366; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), 19.227.

67 The Northern Song court already utilized hemai, chagu 差雇 (governmental levy), or other methods to supplement imperial workshop products. See SHY, 37.5450. Li Xiao, Songchao, 312 and 395. The Southern Song court relied more on hegu to acquire freelance products. See Xie Shenfu 謝深甫 (act. 1202), Qingyuan tiaofa shilei 慶元條法事類 (Legal Code of the Qingyuan Period) (1202; Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin, 2002), 48.670; and Li Xinchuan 李心傳 (1166–1243), Jianyan yilai chaoye zaji 建炎以來朝野雜記 (Miscellaneous Notes on Inner and Outer Politics Since the Jianyan Reign) (1202; Taipei: Wenhai, 1967), vol. jia, 14.416–418. Here, I focus only on events from the capital. How regional governments illegally abused hegu or hemai law to extort goods falls beyond the scope of this paper. See SHY, 38.5471; 140.5475; 156.6117–6119; and Tuo Tuo 脫脫 (1313–1355) et al., Songshi 宋史 (Song History) (in 1345; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977), 175.4237.

68 Songshi 175.4238. See also Luo Run 羅濬 (act. thirteenth century), Baoqing Siming zhi 寶慶四明志 (Gazetteer of the Siming District during the Baoqing Era) (SKQS edn), 15.

69 SHY, 75.2989.

70 MLL, 13.105. See also DCJS, 1.4.

71 Such as the Su-Family Bakery in Lin'an. See DCJS, 1.7.

72 A dan of rice cost 3,000 wen (coins) in 1224, and 3,400 coins in 1240. See Wu Qian 吳潛 (1195–1262), Xuguogong zouyi 許國公奏議 (Court Memorials of Duke Xu) (Congshu jicheng edn; Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1939), 3.

73 THBJ, 4.104.

74 Liang Kai's pupils Yu Gong 俞珙 (c.p. 1228–1233) and Li Quan 李權 (c.p. 1265–1274) would later become court painters. See THBJ, 4.106–107.

75 For examples of how imperial summons helped individuals to attract affluent buyers, see WLJS, 3.37–3.38; and MLL, 13.116.

76 The Yan brothers learned from their father Yan Zhong and the court painter Li Tang. See HJBY, 2.915; THBJ, 4.102 and 4.111.

77 For fenben, see James Cahill, The Painter's Practice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 88–102.

78 Yue Ke (1183–1243) testifies that Southern Song emperors often inscribed poetic calligraphy on painted fans as royal gifts to subordinates. See Yue Ke, Tingshi 桯史 (Pillar History) (1214; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997), 4.44. For fans used in the Song, see Harrist, Robert, Painting and Private Life in Eleven-Century China: Mountain Villa by Li Gonglin (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

79 In both the Northern and Southern Song capitals, citizens carried fans during the Double Fifth festival. See DJMHL, 8.52 and MLL, 3.20. See also Weitz, Ankeney, “The Vocabulary of Fashion: Word-Image Play in Southern Song Painted Fans,” National Palace Museum Bulletin 44 (2011), 43Google Scholar; Weitz, Ankeney, “Two Tales of Song-Dynasty Painted Fans,” Archives of Asian Art 69.1 (2019), 84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Harrist, “Watching Clouds Rise,” 301–323.

80 WLJS, 8.137.

81 WLJS, 3.43.

82 XHLR, 10 and 16.

83 For fan-repairing shops and fan-material shops, see WLJS, 6.102; MLL, 13.110; DCJS, 1.15; and XHLR, 18.

84 MLL, 13.108.

85 XHLR, 18. See also DCJS, 1.14. DCJS records that at least tens of thousands of shops were opened in the Imperial Way.

86 DCJS, 1.15.

87 Huaji, 6.46; HSHY, 2.527. See Weitz, “Two Tales,” 82 for translation.

88 For Southern Song political economy, see Liu, William Guanglin. 2015. “The Making of a Fiscal State in Song China, 960–1279.” The Economic History Review 68 (1): 48–78. Thanks to Patricia Ebrey for her valuable suggestion.