Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-lj6df Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-19T04:32:14.453Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Young children's understanding of markedness in non-verbal communication*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 March 2011

KRISTIN LIEBAL*
Affiliation:
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
MALINDA CARPENTER
Affiliation:
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
MICHAEL TOMASELLO
Affiliation:
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
*
[*]Address for correspondence: Kristin Liebal, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology – Department of Developmental and Comparative Psychology, Deutscher Platz 6, Leipzig D-04103, Germany. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Speakers often anticipate how recipients will interpret their utterances. If they wish some other, less obvious interpretation, they may ‘mark’ their utterance (e.g. with special intonations or facial expressions). We investigated whether two- and three-year-olds recognize when adults mark a non-verbal communicative act – in this case a pointing gesture – as special, and so search for a not-so-obvious referent. We set up the context of cleaning up and then pointed to an object. Three-year-olds inferred that the adult intended the pointing gesture to indicate that object, and so cleaned it up. However, when the adult marked her pointing gesture (with exaggerated facial expression) they took the object's hidden contents or a hidden aspect of it as the intended referent. Two-year-olds' appreciation of such marking was less clear-cut. These results demonstrate that markedness is not just a linguistic phenomenon, but rather something concerning the pragmatics of intentional communication more generally.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2011

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

REFERENCES

Arnold, J. E. (2008). THE BACON not the bacon: How children and adults understand accented and unaccented noun phrases. Cognition 108, 6999.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Battistella, E. L. (1990). Markedness: The evaluative superstructure of language. Albany, NY: SUNY Press.Google Scholar
Battistella, E. L. (1996). The logic of markedness. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Behne, T., Carpenter, M. & Tomasello, M. (2005). One-year-olds comprehend the communicative intentions behind gestures in a hiding game. Developmental Science 8, 492–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Clark, E. V. (1988). On the logic of contrast. Journal of Child Language 15, 317–35.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Clark, E. V. (1990). On the pragmatics of contrast. Journal of Child Language 17, 417–31.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Dahan, D., Tanenhaus, M. K. & Chambers, C. G. (2002). Accent and reference resolution in spoken-language comprehension. Journal of Memory and Language 47, 292314.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ganea, P. & Saylor, M. M. (2007). Infants' use of shared linguistic information to clarify ambiguous requests for objects. Child Development 78, 493502.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grassmann, S. & Tomasello, M. (2007). Two-year-olds use primary sentence accent to learn new words. Journal of Child Language 34, 677–87.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Grice, H. P. (1957). Meaning. The Philosophical Review 66, 377–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Haspelmath, M. (2006). Against markedness (and what to replace it with). Journal of Linguistics 42, 2570.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Liebal, K., Behne, T., Carpenter, M. & Tomasello, M. (2009). Infants use shared experience to interpret pointing gestures. Developmental Science 12, 264–71.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Markman, E. M. & Wachtel, G. F. (1988). Children's use of mutual exclusivity to constrain the meanings of words. Cognitive Psychology 20, 121–57.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Moll, H., Richter, N., Carpenter, M. & Tomasello, M. (2008). Fourteen-month-olds know what ‘we’ have shared in a special way. Infancy 13, 90–101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Saylor, M. M., Baldwin, D. A. & Sabbagh, M. A. (2002). Children use whole–part juxtaposition as a pragmatic cue to word meaning. Developmental Psychology 38, 993–1003.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Saylor, M. M. & Ganea, P. (2007). Infants interpret ambiguous requests for absent objects. Developmental Psychology 43, 696704.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Saylor, M. M. & Sabbagh, M. A. (2004). Different kinds of information affect word-learning in the preschool years: The case of part-term learning. Child Development 75, 395408.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Sperber, D. & Wilson, D. (1986). Relevance: Communication and cognition. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Google Scholar
Tomasello, M. (2003). Constructing a language: A usage-based theory of language acquisition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Tomasello, M. (2008). Origins of human communication. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tomasello, M., Carpenter, M. & Liszkowski, U. (2007). A new look at infant pointing. Child Development 78, 705722.CrossRefGoogle Scholar