¹ See the essays in Starkey, David, ed., The English Court: From the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War (London, 1987)Google Scholar.

² Duindam, Jeroen, “Courts and Ceremony: The Austrian Habsburgs and Bourbon France” (paper presented at the Institute of Historical Research, London, November 1998)Google Scholar; Giesey, Ralph E., “The King Imagined,” in The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, ed. Baker, Keith (Oxford, 1987), p. 41Google Scholar.

³ Duindam, Jeroen, Myths of Power: Norbert Elias and the Early Modern Court (Amsterdam, 1995), p. 6Google Scholar; Loach, Jennifer, “The Function of Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” Past and Present, no. 142 (1994): 42–68Google Scholar; Anglo, Sydney, Images of Tudor Kingship (London, 1992)Google Scholar, and Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar.

⁴ Giesey, , “The King Imagined,” pp. 41–42Google Scholar.

⁵ Jeroen Duindam, “Norbert Elias and the Early Modern Court,” Historische Anthropologie (in press). For pioneering work on this topic for Continental courts, see Adamson, John, ed., The Princely Courts of Europe (London, 1999)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dr. Duindam and Dr. Adamson for allowing me to consult their unpublished typescripts.

⁶ Knighton, Tess, “Music and Court History,” The Court Historian 1, no. 2 (1996): 10–11Google Scholar. Preliminary information on the Tudor chapel occurs in Thurley, Simon, Royal Palaces of Tudor England (London, 1993)Google Scholar; Baldwin, David, The Chapel Royal: Ancient and Modern (London, 1990)Google Scholar; Loades, David, The Tudor Court (London, 1987)Google Scholar.

⁷ Earlier studies of the Reformation and the Tudor court have tended to focus on the religion of individuals; see, e.g., Culling, Elizabeth, “The Impact of the Reformation on the Tudor Royal Household to 1553” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Durham, 1986)Google Scholar; Swensen, Patricia, “Noble Hunters of the Romish Fox: Religious Reform at the Tudor Court, 1543–1564” (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1981)Google Scholar; Dowling, Maria, “The Gospel and the Court: Reformation under Henry VIII,” in Protestantism and the National Church in Sixteenth-Century England, ed. Lake, Peter and Dowling, Maria (London, 1987), pp. 36–77Google Scholar.

⁸ Starkey, , ed., English Court, p. 3Google Scholar; Kisby, Fiona, “The Royal Household Chapel in Early-Tudor London” (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1996), p. 39Google Scholar.

⁹ Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” pp. 38–44Google Scholar; Starkey, David, “Intimacy and Innovation: The Rise of the Privy Chamber, 1485–1547,” in Starkey, , ed., English Court, pp. 71–118Google Scholar; MacCulloch, Diarmaid, ed., The Reign of Henry VIII (Basingstoke, 1995), pp. 231–32Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Myers, Alec, ed., The Household of Edward IV: The Black Book and the Ordinance of 1478 (Manchester, 1959)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Loades, , The Tudor Court, pp. 40–41Google Scholar; Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” p. 45Google Scholar.

¹² For biographies of the deans and all other members of the early Tudor chapel, see Fiona Kisby, “Officers and Office-Holding at the Early-Tudor Court: A Study of the Chapel Royal, 1485–1547,” Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle (in press).

¹³ Orme, Nicholas, “The Medieval Clergy of Exeter Cathedral I,” and “The Medieval Clergy of Exeter Cathedral II,” Report and Transactions of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art 113 (1981): 82Google Scholar; 115 (1983): 79.

¹⁴ King, Archdale, Liturgies of the Past (London, 1959), pp. 276–374Google Scholar; Ullmann, Walter, ed., Liber Regie Capelle: A Manuscript in the Biblioteca Publica, Evora, Henry Bradshaw Society, vol. 92 (London, 1961), p. 58Google Scholar; Harrison, Frank, Music in Medieval Britain, 4th ed. (Buren, 1980), p. 47Google Scholar; Bowers, Roger, “The Cultivation and Promotion of Music in the Household and Orbit of Thomas Wolsey,” in Cardinal Wolsey: Church, State and Art, ed. Gunn, Steve and Lindley, Paul (Cambridge, 1991), p. 179Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Kisby, “Officers and Office-Holding"; for lists of extant compositions, see Hofman, May and Morehen, John, Latin Music in British Sources, c. 1485–1610 (London, 1987)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Kisby, “Officers and Office-Holding.”

¹⁷ Public Record Office (PRO), London, LC9/50, fols. 208v–209, LC2/2, fol. 33.

¹⁸ For more on the standing houses and the “progress” and “itinerant” court, see Kisby, Fiona, “Kingship and the Royal Itinerary: A Study of the Peripatetic Households of the Early-Tudor Kings, 1485–1547,” The Court Historian 4, no. 1 (1999): 29–39Google Scholar; Thurley, , Royal Palaces, p. 67Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 597, fols. 32–32v; printed in Society of Antiquaries, A Collection of Ordinances and Regulations for the Government of the Royal Household Made in Divers Reigns from King Edward III to King William and Queen Mary: Also Receipts in Ancient Cookery (London, 1790), pp. 160–61Google Scholar. During the summer “progress” court chapel personnel were reduced, and, if services were performed at all, only a mass in honor of the Virgin occurred on weekdays, while High Mass was performed only on Sundays and “holydaies.”

²⁰ Ullmann, , ed., Liber Regie Capelle, pp. 58–60Google Scholar. The ancestors are not named. A description of the chapel at Richmond Palace (ca. 1502) lists portraits of sanctified rulers who may have been remembered: “Saint Edward, Kyng Cadwaleder, Seint Edmond, and many moo”; Kipling, Gordon, ed., The Receyt of the Ladie Kateryne, Early English Text Society, no. 296 (Oxford, 1990), pp. xiii, xl, xliii, 72–73Google Scholar.

²¹ For illustration, see Heath, Gerald, The Chapel Royal at Hampton Court, Borough of Twickenham Local History Society Paper, no. 42 (Richmond, 1979), after p. 29Google Scholar; Thurley, , Royal Palaces, pp. 196–97Google Scholar.

²² For the identity of those in the congregation, see Ullmann, , ed., Liber Regie Capelle, p. 62Google Scholar.

²³ Architectural histories of all the royal chapels are given in Colvin, Howard and Ransome, David, The History of the King's Works, 6 vols. (London, 1963–1982)Google Scholar.

²⁴ For inventories listing the contents of the holy day closets, see British Library (BL), Harley MS 1419/A, fols. 22, 56v, 87v, 251, 292v; and Byrne, Muriel St. Clare, The Lisle Letters, 6 vols. (London, 1981), 4:115–16Google Scholar.

²⁵ McCullough, Peter, Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 21–22Google Scholar; Kipling, , ed., The Receyt of the Ladie Kateryne, pp. 72–73Google Scholar; Anglo, , Images, p. 35Google Scholar.

²⁶ Printed in Grose, Francis and Astle, Thomas, eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 4 vols. (London, 1807–1809), 2:184–208Google Scholar; Starkey, David, “The King's Privy Chamber, 1485–1547“ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1973), pp. 20–21, 134Google Scholar. A copy of the Articles was given to Charles Herbert, earl of Worcester, Lord Chamberlain from 1508 to April 1526. See Gairdner, James, ed., Memorials of Henry VII (London, 1858), p. 121Google Scholar; Brodie, R. H., Brewer, J. S., and Gairdner, J., eds., Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 21 vols. (London, 1862–1920) (hereafter cited as LP)Google Scholar, I, no. 2684 (4) (where roman numeral is the volume number, followed by the item number, and the piece number is given in parentheses). A later copy was acquired by Henry Fitzalan, earl of Arundel Lord Chamberlain from 1546 to 1550. See College of Arms (CoA), London, MS Arundel XVII²; headed “The booke of henrie erle of Arundel Lorde Chamberlaine … and copie of a booke … delivered unto the erle of Worcester … lord chamberlaine”; Dasent, J. R., ed., Acts of the Privy Council of England, 32 vols. (London, 1890–1907), 1:495Google Scholar. Another copy is BL, Add. MS 34319; Starkey, , “The King's Privy Chamber,” p. 18, n. 1Google Scholar.

²⁷ BL, Add. MS 71009. I am grateful to Andrew Wathey for drawing my attention to this source.

²⁸ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 1; Stephen, Leslie and Lee, Sidney, eds., Dictionary of National Biography, 22 vols. (London, 1921–1922), 14:566–67Google Scholar; PRO, LC2/4/3, p. 106. Text in sections 1 and 2 is not holograph, and none of the four hands present matches Norris's own (facsimile in Byrne, St. Clare, ed., The Lisle Letters, p. 293Google Scholar). For detailed discussion of the physical characteristics, dating, provenance, and contents of Add. MS 71009, see Kisby, “Religious Ceremonial at the Tudor Court: Extracts from Royal Household Regulations in British Library, Additional Manuscript 71009,” The Camden Miscellany (in press).

²⁹ Dasent, , ed., Acts of the Privy Council, 7:4Google Scholar; Bindoff, Stanley, ed., The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1509–1558, 3 vols. (London, 1982), 3:19–20Google Scholar.

³⁰ BL, Add. MS 71009; fols. 11–18v (chapel ceremonies on fols. 11, 14v–18v).

³¹ John Morton (cardinal, 1493–1500); Princes Arthur (1486–1502) and Henry (1491–1547). Thomas Wolsey became cardinal in 1515 and died before Edward VI was born in 1537; O'Day, Rosemary, The Longman Companion to the Tudor Age (New York, 1995), p. 208Google Scholar.

³² BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 21.

³³ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 22v–26; fol. 24v.

³⁴ Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 2:188–89Google Scholar.

³⁵ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 14v; Colvin, and Ransome, , History of the King's Works, 4:106Google Scholar.

³⁶ Thurley, , Royal Palaces, pp. 125–26Google Scholar; Myers, , ed., Household of Edward IV, pp. 111, 137Google Scholar; BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 13. For privy chaplains serving in 1509 and 1547, see PRO, LC2/1, fol. 122, LC2/2, fol. 38.

³⁷ LP X, no. 76. He heard vespers and compline “in the Queen's Chamber”; Giustiniani, Sebastiano, Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, trans. Brown, Rawdon, 2 vols. (London, 1854), 2:312Google Scholar. These private devotions commenced soon after rising; LP XVI, no. 311.

³⁸ Henry VII's privy chaplains serving in 1509: PRO, LC2/1, fol. 125; Starkey, , “The King's Privy Chamber,” pp. 18–21Google Scholar; BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 10; Cavendish, George, The Life and Death of Cardinal Wolsey, ed. Sylvester, Richard, Early English Text Society, o.s., 243 (London, 1959), p. 7Google Scholar; Gairdner, , ed., Memorials of King Henry VII, pp. 290–92Google Scholar.

³⁹ Thurley, , Royal Palaces, pp. 196, 198Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 2:188–89, 196Google Scholar.

⁴¹ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 15; Myers, , ed., Household of Edward IV, pp. 90–91Google Scholar.

⁴² BL, Add. MS 71009; PRO, E101/414/6, E101/414/16, E101/415/3; BL, Add. 21480; PRO, E36/214; BL, Add. MS 21481, fols. 5v, 16v, 19, 22, 23v, 25v, 50. The king did not go to the chapel on Shrove Tuesday but “secular ceremonial” often occurred on that day.

⁴³ Cheney, Christopher, Handbook of Dates for Students of English History (London, 1991), pp. 65–66Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ BL, Add. MS 21481; PRO, E36/216, E101/420/11; BL, MS Arundel 97; BL, MS Stowe 554; BL, Add. MS 59900. For comments on the ritual year at other Continental courts, see Duindam, Jeroen, “The Court of the Austrian Habsburgs,” Mitteilungen der Residenzen-Kommission Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen 8, no. 2 (1998): 44Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Duffy, Eamon, The Stripping of the Altars (London, 1992), p. 42Google Scholar; Cheney, Christopher, “Rules for the Observance of Feast Days in Medieval England,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 34 (1961): 117Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ On Sunday 10 October 1518, diets cost £59 4s. ½d.; expenditure on the following seven days ranged from £33 14s. ½d. to £45 4s. 9d.; PRO, E101/418/15, fol. 5v. On Sunday 8 October 1503 diets cost £29 16s. 2d., but daily expenditure for the adjacent weeks ranged from £17 8s. 6d. to £23 6s. 8½d. and £13 18s. 6½d. to £22 11s. 9d.; PRO, E101/415/12, fol. 44v.

⁴⁷ LP VIII, no. 826, p. 315; LP XVI, no. 344.

⁴⁸ BL, Add. 71009, fol. 14v.

⁴⁹ Greenwich Palace provides the best example; for illustration, see Thurley, , Royal Palaces, pl. 4Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ LP V, no. 564, pp. 259–60.

⁵¹ LP XX, pt. i, no. 7.

⁵² LP V, no. 614; LP XVII, no. 468; LP XXI, pt. i, no. 234; see also LP XVII, no. 468; LP XVIII, pt. i, no. 570; LP XXI, pt. i, no. 234.

⁵³ Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 2:193Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Nichols, John, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth I, 3 vols. (London, 1823), 3:424–25Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Loach, , “The Function of Ceremonial,” pp. 44, 66Google Scholar; Anglo, , Images, p. 24Google Scholar; Elias, Norbert, The Court Society (Oxford, 1983), p. 117Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Starkey, , ed., English Court, p. 5Google Scholar; Elton, G. R., “Tudor Government. The Points of Contact. III. The Court,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 26 (1976): 218Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Baillie, Hugh, “Etiquette and the Planning of the State Apartments in Baroque Palaces,” Archaeologia 101 (1967): 189–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; LP X, no. 688.

⁵⁸ For those present at services in the absence of the king, see Mertes, Kate, The English Noble Household 1250–1600 (Oxford, 1987), pp. 140, 149–51, 159Google Scholar; BL, MS Harley 6815, fol. 23v.

⁵⁹ Ashbee, Andrew, “Music at the Early-Tudor Court,” paper presented at the Viola Da Gamba Society meeting, London, November 1993Google Scholar; Thurley, , Royal Palaces, pp. 195–96Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Ullmann, , ed., Liber Regie Capelle, p. 62Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Kisby, Fiona, “The Music and Musicians of Early-Tudor Westminster,” Early Music 23 (1995): 223–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶² The version (BL, Add. MS 38174) printed in Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 1:296–341Google Scholar is quoted here. It contains an oath sworn to Henry VII (p. 340). Other sets of Henrician household ordinances with contents in common with, but not exactly identical to, the Ryalle book, are BL, MS Harley 642, fols. 198–217 (printed in Society of Antiquaries, A Collection of Ordinances, pp. 109–33Google Scholar), entitled “Articles Appointed by … Henry the seventh” 31 December 1493; BL, Add. MS 4712, fols. 3–22; BL, Harley MS 4107, fols. 100–33. The contents of all these will be discussed in detail in Kisby, “Religious Ceremonial,” and Starkey, David, “Henry VI's Old Blue Gown,” The Court Historian 4, no. 1 (1999): 1–29Google Scholar.

⁶³ Kantorowicz, Ernst, Laudes Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Medieval Ruler Worship (Berkeley, 1946), pp. 92–100, 171–79Google Scholar; Bent, Ian, “The English Chapel Royal before 1300,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 90 (1963–1964): 82–85Google Scholar; Schramm, Percy, A History of the English Coronation (Oxford, 1937), pp. 30–32Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Armstrong, Charles, “The Inauguration Ceremonies of the Yorkist Kings and Their Title to the Throne,” in England, France and Burgundy in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Armstrong, Charles (London, 1983), pp. 73–96Google Scholar; Ullmann, , ed., Liber Regie Capelle, pp. 64–65Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 1:327–28Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Ibid.

⁶⁷ Sandon, Nicholas, The Use of Salisbury: The Ordinary of the Mass, Cantico Church Music (Newton Abbot, 1984), p. xGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁸ Leland, John, De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, ed. Hearne, Thomas, 6 vols. (London, 1774), 4:234–36Google Scholar. In the Sarum Use, services on the day before some feasts were accorded special festal observance as a vigil or eve; Harper, John, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy (Oxford, 1991), p. 57Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Strong, Roy, Lost Treasures of Britain (London, 1990), pp. 119–122Google Scholar; Lightbown, Ronald, “The King's Regalia, Insignia and Jewellery,” in The Late King's Goods, ed. MacGregor, Arthur (London, 1989), pp. 257–59Google Scholar; Hoak, Dale, “The Iconography of the Crown Imperial,” in Hoak, , ed., Tudor Political Culture (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 54–103Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ On All Saints 1503, diets cost £79 17s. 6½d., two to three times the amount spent on the preceding and following days; PRO, E101/415/12, fols. 6, 10–11, 17v, 21.

⁷¹ PRO, E101/414/6, fols. 6, 13, 26v. Myers, , ed., Household of Edward IV, p. 130Google Scholar; BL, Cotton MS Nero D.II, fol. 256v; Wagner, Anthony, Heralds of England (London, 1967), pp. 24, 74Google Scholar.

⁷² Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 1:329Google Scholar.

⁷³ Ibid., 1:323, 325–26, 329. The ceremonies on days of estate embraced both chapel and the wider household; Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” p. 154Google Scholar; Myers, , ed., The Household of Edward IV, pp. 241–42, nn. 125–26Google Scholar. For the cap of estate/maintenance, see Legg, Leopold Wickham, English Coronation Records (Westminster, 1901), pp. lxxxii–lxxxviiiGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ On the three days preceding and following 1 January 1504, expenses ranged from £33 18s. 2d. to £50 17s. 10½d.; but £65 18s. 1½d. was spent on the feast day; PRO, E101/415/12, fols. 10v, 11, 12v. Goeff Chew has pointed out that the canti firmi texts of early English cyclic masses (i.e., the text of the plainsong melody on which the polyphony was based) were often concerned with the king. He thus argued that not only were these masses performed on the feast days originally associated with their plainsong cantus firmus but they were also performed on days of special royal ceremonial; it may be that this was the case for the early Tudor chapel also, a point that requires further investigation. See Chew, Geoff, “The Early Cyclic Mass as an Expression of Royal and Papal Supremacy,” Music and Utters 53 (1972): 256, 268Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ CoA, MS M 8; the nucleus of text is fols. 27v–56v; Campbell, Louise, A Catalogue of Manuscripts in the College of Arms Collections, 2 vols. (London, 1988), 1:123Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 1:340–41Google Scholar; CoA, MS M 8, fols. 56–56v. Some pre-Reformation texts concerning chapel ceremonial were even reissued in the seventeenth-century court; McCullough, , Sermons, pp. 52–53, n. 6Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ BL, Add. MS 21481, fols. 16v, 46v, 77v, 88, 95. In 1518, in the week preceding and following the feast of All Saints, expenditure ranged from £33 11s. 4½2d. to £62 6s. 1½d.; on the feast day diets cost £113 52 2½d; PRO, E101/418/15, fols. 3, 6v, 77, 9v, 15v, 19, 91. Details of the state crown used by Henry VIII (and probably by Henry VII), occur in an inventory of 1520; Strong, , Lost Treasures of Britain, p. 122Google Scholar. Formerly, the wearing of the crown by the early Tudors has often only been associated with the opening of Parliament; Collins, Andrew Jeffries, Jewels and Plate of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1955), pp. 10, 13Google Scholar; Twining, Edward, A History of the Crown Jewels of Europe (London, 1960), pp. 139–40Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ For bibliography on this aspect of the chapel's activities, see Streitberger, William, Court Revels 1485–1559 (London, 1994)Google Scholar; Walker, Greg, Plays of Persuasion: Politics at the Court of Henry VIII (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 25, 25v. These occurred on Christmas, Epiphany, the feasts of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, Corpus Christi, Dedication Day, Relics Day, All Saints, patronal feast day; Bailey, Terence, The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, no. 21 (Toronto, 1971), pp. 12, 18Google Scholar; Harper, , Forms and Orders, p. 152Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Bailey, , Processions, p. 16Google Scholar; Duffy, , Stripping, pp. 15–21Google Scholar.

⁸¹ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 6v, 14. Seven nobles = 46s. 8d., recorded in the treasurer's accounts; BL, Add. MS 21481, fol. 81.

⁸² BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 15v–16, 25.

⁸³ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 25.

⁸⁴ Bailey, , Processions, pp. 12, 17Google Scholar; Rubin, Miri, “Corpus Christi Fraternities and Late Medieval Piety,” in Voluntary Religion: Papers Read at the 1985 Summer and 1986 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. Sheils, William and Woods, Diana (Oxford, 1986), pp. 99–101Google Scholar; Duffy, , Stripping, p. 44Google Scholar; BL Add. MS 71009, fol. 25.

⁸⁵ Harper, , Forms and Orders, pp. 139–52Google Scholar. For the background to the ceremonies described here, see more details in Duffy, Stripping; and Feasey, H.J., Ancient English Holy Week Ceremonial(London, 1893)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Bailey, , Processions, pp. 19–20Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 17, 22v.

⁸⁸ Duffy, , Stripping, pp. 23–26Google Scholar; Feasey, , Ancient English Holy Week, pp. 53–84Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 22v; Stowe, John, Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, Charles, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1909), 1:98Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 23, 23v, 24. On Tenebrae Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday a special form of the night office of matins and lauds was performed; Feasey, , Ancient English Holy Week, pp. 84–94Google Scholar; Duffy, , Stripping, p. 23Google Scholar. Gougaud, Louis, Devotional and Ascetic Practices in the Middle Ages, trans. Bateman, George (London, 1927), pp. 179–204Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Henderson, John, “Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence: Religious Confraternities from the Middle of the Thirteenth to the Late Fifteenth Centuries” (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1983), p. 84Google Scholar; Gougaud, , Devotional and Ascetic Practices, p. 180Google Scholar.

⁹² Robinson, Brian, Silver Pennies and Linen Towels (London, 1992), pp. 19–20, 25, 42–43, 57Google Scholar.

⁹³ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 23–23v; Harper, , Forms and Orders, p. 144Google Scholar; CoA, MS M 8, fol. 26, 26v.

⁹⁴ Feasey, , Ancient English Holy Week, pp. 114–79Google Scholar; Bailey, , Processions, p. 21Google Scholar; Harper, , Forms and Orders, pp. 144–46Google Scholar. The crampring ceremony for epileptics was distinct from and should not be confused with another procedure known as “Touching for the King's Evil,” which was thought to cure “scrofula”; Bloch, Marc, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France, trans. Anderson, J. E. (London, 1973), pp. 22, 27, 39–43, 46, 52–56, 183Google Scholar; Anglo, , Images, pp. 19–20Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 23v.

⁹⁶ Ullmann, , ed., Liber Regie Capelle, pp. 62–63Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 23v; Bloch, , The Royal Touch, p. 106Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 23v–24.

⁹⁹ BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 23v, 24.

¹⁰⁰ Bailey, , Processions, pp. 23–24Google Scholar; Duffy, , Stripping, p. 30Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 24.

¹⁰² This symbolically parallels the significance of the canopy carried over the consecrated Host on Corpus Christi; Adamson, ed., The Princely Courts of Europe, Introduction, sec. 5.

¹⁰³ Henry's mother, Margaret Beaufort, was the granddaughter of John Beaufort, bastard son of John of Gaunt, son of Edward III; Jones, Michael and Underwood, Malcolm, The King's Mother (Cambridge, 1992), p. 17Google Scholar; Anglo, , Images, p. 28Google Scholar; Thurley, Simon and Lloyd, Christopher, Henry VIII: Images of a Tudor King (Oxford, 1990), pp. 9, 13Google Scholar; MacCulloch, Diarmaid, “Henry VIII and the Reform of the Church,” in MacCulloch, , ed., Reign of Henry VIII, p. 162Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Giesey, , “The King Imagined,” pp. 55–56Google Scholar; Birke, Adolf and Asch, Ronald, eds., Princes, Patronage and the Nobility (Oxford, 1991), pp. 9, 36, 48Google Scholar; Anglo, , Images, pp. 5–8Google Scholar; Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” pp. 39, 51–56Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ McCullough, , Sermons, pp. 40–41Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Birke, and Asch, , eds., Princes, Patronage and the Nobility, p. 10Google Scholar; McCullough, , Sermons, pp. 26–27Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Geertz, Clifford, “Centres, Kings and Charisma: Reflections on the Symbolics of Power,” in Ben-David, Joseph and Nicholas, Terry, eds., Culture and Its Creators (London, 1977), pp. 150–53Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Of the numerous bibliographical summaries, the most useful are Duffy, Stripping; Guy, John, Tudor England (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar; MacCulloch, Diarmaid, Thomas Cranmer (London, 1996)Google Scholar; MacCulloch, ed., Reign of Henry VIII; Newcombe, David, Henry VIII and the English Reformation (London, 1995)Google Scholar; O'Day, Rosemary, The Debate on the English Reformation (Cambridge, 1986)Google Scholar; Pettegree, Andrew, ed., The Early Reformation in Europe (Cambridge, 1992)Google Scholar; Rex, Richard, Henry VIII and the English Reformation (Basingstoke, 1993)Google Scholar. A chronology of events is found in O'Day, The Longman Companion.

¹⁰⁹ The main works are listed in Pettegree, Andrew, “Rewriting the English Reformation,” Nederlands Archief voor Kierkgeschiedenis 72, no. 1 (1992): 37–39Google Scholar; Haigh, Christopher, “The Recent Historiography of the English Reformation,” Historical Journal 25 (1982): 995–1007Google Scholar, “Revisionism, the Reformation and the History of English Catholicism,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 3 (1985): 394–406Google Scholar, and “The English Reformation,” Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (1990): 449–59Google Scholar; MacCulloch, Diarmaid, “New Spotlights on the English Reformation,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45 (1994): 319–24Google Scholar; Wabuda, Susan, “Revising the Reformation,” Journal of British Studies 35, no. 2 (1996): 257–62Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” p. 159Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ le Huray, Peter, Music and the Reformation in England 1549–1660 (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

¹¹² Dickens, A. G., Reformation Studies (London, 1982), p. 443Google Scholar. The term “Protestant” was not used in Henry's time; Dowling, , “The Gospel and the Court,” p. 36Google Scholar; “evangelical” is more appropriate. MacCulloch, , Cranmer, p. 2Google Scholar; MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” pp. 168–69Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Hughes, Paul and Larkin, James, Tudor Royal Proclamations, 3 vols. (London, 1964), 3:270–71, 273–75, 278–80Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ LP VIII, no. 174.

¹¹⁵ Byrne, St. Clare, ed., The Lisle Letters, 3:421, 423–24Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Ibid., 5:478.

¹¹⁷ BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 24v. Like so many other chapel ceremonies in which the king was involved, senior members of the nobility were attendant upon the monarch during the event. It is not known whether the Communion took place in the holy day closet or in the main body of the chapel; Heath, Gerald, The Chapel Royal at Hampton Court, p. 9Google Scholar; Adamson, ed., The Princely Courts, Introduction, sec. 5; BL, Add. MS 21481, fol. 76; PRO, E36/216, fol. 66v.

¹¹⁸ BL, Add. MS 21481 fols. 46, 58, 76, 87v, etc.

¹¹⁹ PRO, E101/420/11, fol. 166; BL, Arundel MS 97, fols. 12, 20v, 43, 46; PRO, E101/420/11, fols. 3v, 7, 23v, 62v, 65v, 102v, 134v, 138v.

¹²⁰ Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 70–73Google Scholar; Kisby, Fiona, “A Mirror of Monarchy: Music and Musicians in the Household Chapel of the Lady Margaret Beaufort, Mother of Henry VII,” Early Music History 16 (1997): 203–34Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Myers, , ed., The Household of Edward IV, pp. 90–91, 237, n. 52Google Scholar.

¹²² Strype, John, Ecclesiastical Memorials, Relating Chiefly to Religion, and the Reformation of It, and the Emergencies of the Church of England, under King Henry VIII. King Edward VI. and Queen Mary I. With Large Appendixes, Containing Original Papers Records, &c, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1822), 3, pt. 1:100–1Google Scholar.

¹²³ Doe, Paul, “Latin Polyphony under Henry VIII,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 95 (1968–1969): 86–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; stylistic changes are outlined in le Huray, Music and the Reformation.

¹²⁴ For list of works see Hofman and Morehen, Latin Music.

¹²⁵ Byrne, St. Clare, ed., Lisle Letters, 3:423Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ Duffy, , Stripping, p. 398Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ LP VII, nos. 30, 32; MacCulloch, , Cranmer, p. 114Google Scholar; McCullough, , Sermons, pp. 62–63Google Scholar. Court preachers and sermons are beyond the scope of this article. Names of Henrician preachers 1485–1547 are listed in Kisby, “The Royal Household Chapel,” app. 3. Some remarks on these occur in McCullough, Sermons; MacCulloch, , Cranmer, pp. 114, 154Google Scholar; and Culling, , “The Impact of the Reformation,” pp. 323–71Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Elton, G. R., “Thomas Cromwell's Decline and Fall,” in Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, ed. Elton, G. R., 4 vols. (Cambridge, 1974–1992), 1:215–20Google Scholar; MacCulloch, , Cranmer, p. 262Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ MacCulloch, , Cranmer, pp. 277, 396Google Scholar; Culling, , “The Impact of the Reformation,” p. 284Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ Shirley, Timothy, Thomas Thirlby, Early-Tudor Bishop (London, 1964), pp. 96–101, 115, 222Google Scholar.

¹³¹ As records of book purchases for the chapel in the 1530s and 1540s have not survived, it can only be assumed that the Bible and Litany were indeed purchased when required; Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” pp. 183–84Google Scholar.

¹³² Wilkins, David, Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hibemiae, 4 vols. (London, 1737), 3:823–24Google Scholar.

¹³³ After 1536, some feast days were restored, and this is noted in table 3.

¹³⁴ Strype, John, Memorials of the Most Reverend Father in God Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. Wherein the History of the Church and the Reformation of It during the Primacy of the Said Archbishop, are Greatly Illustrated…, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1840), 2:729Google Scholar; BL, Cotton MS Cleopatra E.v, fol. 300. For example, in 1543 (two years after it had been banned) the ceremony of the Boy Bishop on the feast of St. Nicholas was celebrated, according to the treasurer's accounts, “as hath byne accustomed”; BL, Add. MS 59900, fol. 54.

¹³⁵ BL, Add. MS 59900, fol. 54; Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” pp. 195–96Google Scholar, i.e., the feasts on which the “holy day” offering continued to be made. Earlier in the reign, the “ritual machine” at court ensured the these offerings were made without fail whether the king could attend or not; Cranmer's comments unequivocally suggest therefore that their omission must have had some deeper liturgical significance.

¹³⁶ See table 3 and MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” p. 179Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” pp. 175–76Google Scholar; Bernard, George, “The Making of Religious Policy, 1533–46,” Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (1998): 321–49Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Duffy, , Stripping, p. 379Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Anglo, , Images, p. 28Google Scholar; MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” p. 166Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Rex, , Henry VIII, pp. 28–29Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ King, John, “The Royal Image, 1535–1603,” in Hoak, , ed., Tudor Political Culture, pp. 104–32Google Scholar; Loach, , “The Function of Ceremonial,” p. 64Google Scholar.

¹⁴² Bucholz, Robert, “Nothing but Ceremony: Queen Anne and the Limitations of Royal Ritual,” Journal of British Studies 30 (1991): 288–323Google Scholar; von Uffenbach, Zacharias Conrad, London in 1710 from the Travels of Zacharias Conrad von Uffenbach, trans. Quarrel, William H. and Mare, Margaret (London, 1973), p. 115Google Scholar.