1. For some elaboration on this theme, see Beer, Samuel H., “Pressure Groups and Parties in Britain,” American Political Science Review, L (March, 1956), 20–23 Google Scholar; “Representation of Interests in British Government,” Ibid., LI (September, 1957), 613-650, at 613 and passim; “Two Kinds of Conservatism,” The Observer, May 8, 1955.

2. Boothby, Robert, Loder, John de V., Macmillan, Harold, Stanley, Oliver, Industry and the State, A Conservative View (London, 1927), p. 8 Google Scholar.

3. “British Conservatism: Its Political Ideas,” University of Toronto Quarterly, XXVI (January, 1957), 134 Google Scholar; see also Sigmund Neumann's view that research in conservative party ideas at best produces “relative concepts of human predispositions.” Foreword to von Klemperer, Klemens, Germany's New Conservatism, Its History and Dilemma in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1957), p. xvi CrossRefGoogle Scholar. J. W. Dafoe, the Canadian Liberal, called the Conservative creed, “the persistence of an attitude toward public matter;” quoted in Williams, John R., The Conservative Party of Canada: 1920-1949 (Durham, N.C., 1956), p. 15 Google Scholar.

4. Woods, Maurice, A History of the Tory Party in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London, 1924), p. 14 Google Scholar.

5. “Conservative Political Thought,” Spectator, October 15, 1954.

6. Essays in Sociology and Social Psychology ed. by Kecskemeti, Paul (N.Y., 1953), p. 84 Google Scholar. See the whole perceptive analysis, pp. 74-164 and in Mannheim, Karl, Ideology and Utopia, An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge. [Wirth, L. and Shils, E. trans.] (N.Y., 1956), pp. 33–263 Google Scholar; also the lucid summary in Merton, Robert K., Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Ill., 1949), P. 252 f.Google Scholar

7. For elaboration, see Kissinger, Henry A., “The Conservative Dilemma: Reflections on the Political Thought of Metternich,” American Political Science Review, XLVIII (December, 1954), 1017 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Lewis, Gordon K., “The Metaphysics of Conservatism,” Western Political Quarterly, VI (December, 1953), 729 Google Scholar. The whole of Lewis' brilliant, mordant analysis deserves reading, 728-41.

8. Lewis, , “Metaphysics …,” W. Pol. Q. (1953), 730 Google Scholar.

9. Ibid., 731

10. The Case for Conservatism (London, 1957), p. 13 Google Scholar.

11. See Huntington, Samuel P., “Conservatism as an Ideology,” American Political Science Review, LI (June, 1957), 468–69Google Scholar. cf. J. Powell, Enoch, “Conservatives and the Social Services,” Political Quarterly, XXIV (April-June, 1953), 166 Google Scholar; “Conservatism is a settled view of the nature of human society in general and our own society in particular, which each succeeding generation does but re-express.”

12. Theory and Practice of Modern Government (N.Y., 1932), I, pp. 516, 538 Google Scholar.

13. On “doctrine,” see MacDonald, Neil A., The Study of Political Parties (Garden City, N.Y., 1955), p. 31 Google Scholar: on “position,” see Huntington, , “Conservatism …,” Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. (1957), 467–68Google Scholar and “Comment” by Murray N. Rothbard, Ibid., LI (September, 1957), 784-87; on repetition, see Wolin, Sheldon S., “Richard Hooker and English Conservatism,” Western Political Quarterly, VI (March, 1953), 28 Google Scholar.

14. Huntington, , “Conservatism …,” Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. (1957)Google Scholar, crystallized these differences for me, but his view that conservatism has no “ideational” elements fundamentally disagrees with the one here; see his whole analysis, 454-73; also cf. Rothbard, “Comment”; reply by Huntington, Ibid., LI (December, 1957), 1063-64. The repetition of Conservative ideas in the face of different concrete problems is evidence of the positional nature of Conservative thought, but positionalism alone explains too much, since it argues for no content at all to Conservatism. If the act of defending is all there is to Conservatism, then there is no point in reading the rationalizations of the defenders, thus Huntington's usage of ideas to prove his points is beside the main point. Actually, repetition would seem to indicate the unchangeability of at least a core of Conservative beliefs.

15. The labels serve to indicate that the classic left-right distinction does not apply. Three reasons used to underlie the distinction: degree of militancy, substance of policy, i.e., how liberal it was, and proximity to the opposition. None are meaningful in the Conservative case. For one thing, progressive and reactionary groups have both been militant to the point of mutinous in the party. Secondly, opportunism tends to obliterate substantive differences after a short time. The Conservative emphasis on leadership also tends to shift differences to the plane of personality — to the detriment of debate over policy. Finally, propinquity to the opposition party serves to distinguish only if we regard the opposition as the side of permanent reform. Must we, however, characterize all Conservative action as retrenchment? Disraeli's “policy of sewage” and Neville Chamberlain's sponsorship of economic centralization cannot be fitted into this category very conveniently. Perhaps we may speak of advance and defensive groups in the Conservative party on particular issues, but this is probably as far as the left-right separation will go in explaining the positions.

16. The divisions are summarized in Feiling, Keith, The Life of Neville Chamberlain (London, 1946), pp. 93–94 Google Scholar.

17. What is Conservatism? (London, 1930), p. 7 Google ScholarPubMed.

18. The biographies of representative Conservative figures are the most readily available sources for the different strands of Conservatism. For Tory evangelism, see, e.g., Bready, John W., Lord Shaftesbury and Social-Industrial Progress (London, 1926)Google Scholar; Hodder, Edwin, Life and Work of the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (London, 1886)Google Scholar; Coupland, Reginald, Wilberforce (2nd ed., London, 1923)Google Scholar; Cecil Driver, Tory Radical, the Life of Richard Oastler (N.Y., 1946)Google Scholar; Seely, Robert B., Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Michael T. Sadler (London, 1842)Google Scholar.

19. “… the Tory in the main was a person who was actively trying to pass measures for improving the condition of the mass of the people, but was distinctly reluctant to enlarge the electorate: the Liberal, on the other hand, busied himself chiefly with extending the franchise, but thought it unwise to interfere with the natural play of economic laws.” SirHome, Robert, introduction to Skelton, Noel, Constructive Conservatism (London, 1924), pp. 4–5 Google Scholar. Programs and activities are treated in the biographies and memoirs of the men cited. See Monypenny, W. F. and Buckle, G. E., Life of Benjamin Disraeli (N.Y., 1910–1920), II, pp. 162–96Google Scholar; Churchill, Winston S., Lord Randolph Churchill (London, new ed. 1951), pp. 104–45Google Scholar; Garvin, J. L. and Amery, Julian, Life of Joseph Chamberlain (London, 1932–1951), IV, pp. 389–447 Google Scholar; Winterton, Earl, Orders of the Day (London, 1953), pp. 91–106 Google Scholar; for the Tory Reform Committee see both Hogg, Quintin, One Year's Work (London, 1944)Google Scholar and Hinchingbrooke, Viscount, Full Speed Ahead: Essays in Tory Reform (London, 1944)Google Scholar.

20. See a speech by Stanley Baldwin in 1932, quoted in Baldwin, A. W., My Father; the True Story (London, 1955), p. 172 Google Scholar.

21. Weber, Max, “Politics as a Vocation,” in Gerth, H. H. and Mills, C. Wright, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, (N.Y., 1946), p. 104 Google Scholar.

22. This is brought out very well in Blake, Robert, The Unknown Prime Minister, The Life and Times of Andrew Bonar Law (London, 1955), pp. 457–58Google Scholar. It it probably also wise to consider whether any party could survive without its fundamentalists. The third Marquis of Salisbury once remarked, “It is all very well to say that they must vote for you … but they won't work for you and you will find it out at the polls.” Cecil, Lady Gwendolyn, Biographical Studies of the Life and Political Character of Robert, Third Marquis of Salisbury (London, privately printed, 1948), p. 30 Google Scholar.

23. An unfair criticism of Peel's Tamworth Manifesto in Coningsby. See Works of the Earl of Beconsfield (London, Earl's ed., 1904), XIII, p. 133 Google Scholar.

24. The Right Road for Britain, the Conservative Party's Statement of Policy (July, 1949), p. 65 Google Scholar. The inadequacy of politics in the final accounting of Man ranks among the three fundamental principles of Conservatism as seen by White, R. J., “Introduction,” in White, (ed.), The Conservative Tradition (London, 1950), p. 4 Google Scholar.

25. Quoted in Baldwin, A. W., My Father, p. 128 Google Scholar.

26. “Reflections on the Revolution in France,” Works (Boston, Little Brown, 1865), III, p. 313 Google Scholar.

27. Stanley Baldwin, victory speech, December 4, 1924, quoted in Gleanings and Memoranda, LXI (January, 1925), 8 Google Scholar. See also One Nation, A Tory Approach to Social Problems (London, Conservative Political Centre, 1950), p. 18 Google Scholar.

28. Successively, Bryant, Arthur, The Spirit of Conservatism (London, 1929), p. 12 Google Scholar; Jones, Aubrey, The Pendulum of Politics (3rd ed., London, 1947), p. 159 Google Scholar; Utley, T. E., Essays in Conservatism (Conservative Political Centre, 1949), p. 2 Google Scholar. Cf. discussion of ‘natural conservatism’ in Kronick, Bernard, “Conservatism: a Definition,” Southwestern Social Science Quarterly, XXVIII (September, 1947), 173 f.Google Scholar

29. From a speech in the House of Commons in 1924, quoted in Petrie, Charles, The Chamberlain Tradition (London, 1938), pp. 176–77Google Scholar. Disraeli's preference for history over philosophy is well presented in Maurois, André, Disraeli, A Picture of the Victorian Age [Miles, H. trans.] (N.Y., 1928), pp. 106–07Google Scholar.

30. Toryism: a Political Dialogue (London, 1913), pp. 37–38 Google Scholar.

31. Burke, , “Revolution in France,” Works, III, p. 346 Google Scholar.

32. The Conservative Approach to Modern Politics, speech, May 7, 1946, (London, Conservative Central Office, 1946), p. 6 Google Scholar; see also Northam, Reginald, Conservatism, the Only Way (London, 1939), pp. 38–39 Google Scholar; Hogg, Quintin, One Year's Work, p. 80 Google Scholar, for the selection of “institutions” over “intellect.” For the importance of “character,” see Butler, Geoffrey G., The Tory Tradition (London, 1914), pp. 58–59 Google Scholar.

33. Bryant, Spirit of Conservatism, quotes Burke and notes the importance of peace over truth. Walter Bagehot observed that discussion subverts “old notions of loyalty and fealty and authority. Once effectually submit a subject to that ordeal and you can never withdraw it again; you can never again clothe it with mystery or fence it by consecration; it remains forever open to free choice and exposed to profane deliberations.” Physics and Politics in Works of Life [Mrs.Barrington, R. ed.] (London, 1915), VIII, pp. 104, 114 Google Scholar.

34. Baldwin, Stanley, Peace and Goodwill in Industry. Three Speeches (London, 1925), p. 66 Google Scholar.

35. Burke, , “Revolution in France,” Works, III, p. 309 Google Scholar.

36. Successively, Elliot, Walter, Toryism and the 20th Century (London, 1927), p. 134 Google Scholar; A Gentleman with a Duster (Begbie, Harold), The Conservative Mind (London, 1924), p. 9 Google Scholar; see also Begbie's portrait of the Duke of Northumberland, pp. 75-87. Woods, , History of the Tory Party, pp. 371–74Google Scholar makes some useful remarks on “the racial instinct” and Toryism. For a sample of the emphasis on organic unity, see Butler, G. G., Tory Tradition, p. 28 Google Scholar; Boyd-Carpenter, John, The Conservative Case (London, n.d., 1950?), pp. 7–9 Google Scholar; Braine, Bernard, Conservatism and Youth (Conservative Central Office, 1939), pp. 2–3 Google Scholar.

37. Burke in the House of Commons, speech on a proposed inquiry into the state of representation, 1782, Works, VII, p. 94 [itals. mine.].

38. Hooker, Richard, Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, I, viii, 101 Google Scholar.

39. See Lewis, , “Metaphysics …,” W. Pol. Q. (1953), 737 Google Scholar, Mannheim, , Essays …, pp. 136–37Google Scholar.

40. Woods, , History of the Tory Party, p. 364 Google Scholar.

41. Burke, quoted in Brady, , “British Conservatism …,” U. of Toronto Q. (1957), 148 Google Scholar; Disraeli quoted in Monypenny, and Buckle, , Life, p. 359 Google Scholar.

42. Successively, “Revolution in France,” Works, III, p. 357 Google Scholar; “Letter to a Noble Lord,” Works, pp. 186–87Google Scholar; “Letter to Sir Hercules Langrische on the Catholics,” Works, IV, p. 301 Google Scholar.

43. See esp. White, , Conservative Tradition, p. 3 Google Scholar; also Hinchingbrooke, , Full Speed Ahead …, p. 7 Google Scholar. Virtually all expositions of Conservatism repeat this. For examples, see Birch, Nigel, The Conservative Party (London, 1949), p. 38 Google Scholar, and Braine, Bernard, Tory Democracy (London, 1948), pp. 75–93 Google Scholar.

44. Quotations from the collection edited by White, , Conservative Tradition, pp. 137, 145 Google Scholar.

45. Burke, , “Tracts on the Popery Laws,” Works, VI, p. 323 Google Scholar.

46. Some modern affirmations are in Hogg, , Case for Conservatism, p. 23 Google Scholar; in Jones, , Pendulum of Politics, p. 7 Google Scholar; in Wood, Edward, Conservative Beliefs (London, Unionist Party, 1923), pp. 6–9 Google Scholar. Wood (Lord Halifax) represents the most self-conscious Christian strain among Tory leadership; see his pamphlet, The Great Opportunity (London, 1918)Google Scholar, where he and his coauthor, Sir George Lloyd, set forth their ideas for a practical Christian society; note also the spirit of Halifax', autobiography, Fullness of Days (N.Y., 1957)Google Scholar.

47. This deliberate confusion of norm and fact is characteristic of even the most minimal attempt to transpose the Tory belief system into a philosophy. Mannheim called this phenomenon understanding the norm in terms of the actual, see his Essays …, p. 109.

48. David Clarke, “The Conservative Faith in a Modern Age,” in the collection which he edited, Conservatism 1945-1950 (Conservative Political Centre, 1950), p. 10 Google ScholarPubMed. Note the resemblance to Hooker, : “Without order there is no living in public society … And if things or persons be ordered this doth imply that they are distinguished by degree. For order is a gradual disposition …” (Ecclesiastical Polity, VIII, ii, 2.)Google Scholar See also Burke, , “Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs,” Works, VI, p. 176 Google Scholar; Feiling, , What is Conservatism? p. 24 Google Scholar.

49. Amid much literature, see, e.g., Ernest Barker, “Foreword,” to Hinchingbrooke, , Full Speed Ahead …, p. iv Google Scholar. and Lymington, Viscount, Ich Dien, The Tory Path (US. ed. N.Y., 1931), p. 116 Google Scholar.

50. Bryant, , Spirit of Conservatism, pp. 3–4 Google Scholar; see also Boothby, , et al, Industry and the State, pp. 9–11 Google Scholar.

51. From A Vindication of the English Constitution (London, 1835), pp. 203-04Google Scholar and from “The Spirit of Whiggism,” (1836) Works, IX, ch. 4, p. 31 Google Scholar. For Tory comments, see Jones, , Pendulum of Politics, p. 63 Google Scholar; White, , Conservative Tradition, p. 13 Google Scholar. L. S. Amery makes the point that democracy (the people) is instinctively Tory, see The Forward View (London, 1935), pp. 18–33 Google Scholar. For the view that British democracy depends on a “true sense of class,” see Kirk, Russell, The Conservative Mind, from Burke to Santayana (Chicago, 1953), pp. 234–35Google Scholar. There is an appraisal of Tory Democracy in power in Ensor, R. C. K., England 1870-1914 (Oxford, 1936), pp. 387–88Google Scholar.

52. Even R. A. Butler dissents from this bit of Disraelian make-believe; see his preface to the book by “Four Young Conservatives,” Forward from Victory (London, 1943), pp. 5–6 Google Scholar. There is an interesting similarity between Butler's conception of the “political vacuum” and G. J. Goschen's comments on the alleged Tory advantage in lower class votes: see Elliot, Arthur D., Life of Lord Goschen (London, 1911), I, pp. 160–63Google Scholar.

53. Successively, Tones, , Pendulum of Politics, p. 54 Google Scholar. Jenner, Richard V., Will Conservatism Survive? (London, 1944), p. 35 Google Scholar, Stelling, David, Why I am a Conservative (Conservative Central Office, July, 1943), p. 8 Google Scholar; see also Clarice, , “Conservative Faith …,” in Conservatism, pp. 15–17 Google Scholar. Often the hierarchical society is seen as functioning through “the richness of developed differences,” see Butler, R. A., “A Disraelian Approach to Modern Politics” in Tradition and Change, Nine Oxford Lectures (Conservative Political Centre, 1954), p. 12 Google Scholar.

54. Morrison, W. S., “Economics,” in Cook, E. Thomas (ed.), Conservatism and the Future (London, 1935), p. 76 Google Scholar.

55. “Social Policy,” in Ibid., pp. 11-14. See also Boothby, , et al, Industry and the State, p. 145 Google Scholar.

56. Report of the 69th Annual Conference of the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, 1948, pp. 114-17 (hereafter noted as Annual Reports, unless otherwise designated); see also Churchill, Winston S., “Parliament and the Economic Problem,” Romanes Lecture, 1930 Google Scholar, Amery, L. S., Thoughts on the Constitution (2nd ed., London, 1953), pp. 67–69 Google Scholar.

57. “Authority and Reason,” in Arthur James Balfour as Philosopher and Thinker, selections from his writings and speeches, 1879-1912 [W. W. Short, arr.], (London, 1912), p. 17 Google Scholar.

58. Burke, , “Letter to a Member of the French National Assembly,” Works, IV, p. 52 Google Scholar.

59. See Pickthorne, Kenneth, Principles and Prejudices (London, Signpost Booklets, 1943), pp. 16–22 Google Scholar; Hogg, , Case for Conservatism, p. 45 Google Scholar; also Wolin, , “Hooker …,” W. Pol. Q. (1953), 46 Google Scholar.

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61. Among many commentators who have indicated this, see e.g., Smellie, K. B., A Hundred Years of English Government (London, 1937), p. 52 f.Google Scholar and Trevelyan, G. M., History of England (Garden City, N.Y., Anchor Books, 1953), III, p. 82 f.Google Scholar

62. Speech, April 9, 1888, quoted in Churchill, Winston, Lord Randolph Churchill, pp. 232–33Google Scholar. The remarkable political peregrinations of Lord Randolph are traced in detail by his son, see esp. pp. 223-50, 275-350, 604-75. See also the laudatory account by Wilkinson, W. J., Tory Democracy (N.Y., 1925)Google Scholar, cf. criticism by Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties [Clarke, F., trans.] (N.Y., 1902), I, pp. 254-60, 282–83Google Scholar; also Michels, Robert, Political Parties [Eden, & Paul, Cedar, trans.] (Glencoe, Ill., 1949), p. 6 Google Scholar.

63. Disraeli's course is charted by Monypenny, and Buckle, , Life, pp. 178-212, 402–575 Google Scholar; see also Willcox, William B., “The Tory Tradition,” American Historical Review, XLVIII (July, 1943), 710–13Google Scholar. Scholars have noted the inherent conservatism of the lower classes, see Maine, Henry, Ancient Law (3rd. ed., N.Y., 1885), pp. 22–23 Google Scholar; also Vehlen, Thorstein, The Theory of the Leisure Class (N.Y., Modern Library ed., 1934), p. 204 Google Scholar.

64. Case for Conservatism, p. 227.

65. Thoughts on the Constitution, pp. 10, 4.

66. Quoted in Hearnshaw, F. J. C., Conservatism in England (London, 1933), p. 133 Google Scholar.

67. Quotes from 68th Annual Report, 1947, p. 52 and from 434 H. C. Deb. 1247 (March 11, 1947), See also Bentinck, Lord Henry, Tory Democracy (London, 1918), p. 137 ff.Google Scholar; Eccles, David, Your Generation (Conservative Central Office, n.d. [1945]), p. 9 Google Scholar.

68. Michael Hicks Beach, quoted in Ensor, , England …, p. 354 Google Scholar.

69. Cecil, Lord Hugh, Conservatism (London, 1916), p. 195 Google Scholar. For Conservative agreement, see Northam, , Conservatism …, pp. 3–11 Google Scholar; Hearnshaw, F. J. C., “Disraeli,” in Hearnshaw, (ed.), The Political Principles of Some Notable Prime Ministers in the 19th Century (London, 1926), p. 202 Google Scholar; Feiling, Keith, History of England (London, 1950), pp. 1086, 1115 Google Scholar. See also Dicey, A. V., Lectures on the Relation Between Law and Public Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century (rev. ed., London, 1914), p. 39 f.Google Scholar

70. Petrie, , Chamberlain Tradition, p. 90 Google Scholar; see also Bentinck, , Tory Democracy, pp. 1–3 Google Scholar.

71. 68th Annual Report, 1947, p. 43 Google Scholar. See also Fraser, Michael, “The Ownership of Property,” The Good Society, Seven Oxford Lectures (Conservative Political Centre, 1953), p. 19 Google Scholar; Clarke, , “Conservative Faith …,” in Conservatism, pp. 23–27 Google Scholar; Kinchin-Smith, M., “The Challenge of a New Conservatism,” in ‘Four Young Conservatives,’ Forward …, p. 13 Google Scholar.

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74. On Baldwin, see Nicolson, Harold, King George V, His Life and Reign (London, 1952), p. 423 Google Scholar; Young, G. M., Stanley Baldwin (London, 1952), pp. 28-29, 54, 131, 155 Google Scholar; Somervell, D. C., Stanley Baldwin, an examination of some features of Mr. G. M. Young's Biography (London, 1953), p. 30 Google Scholar. On Chamberlain, see Feiling, , Life, pp. 126–48Google Scholar. The Conservative Chairman was Ralph Assheton, address, “Businessmen and Politics,” excerpted in Onlooker, (September, 1943), p. 3. The socialist is Crosland, C. A., The Future of Socialism (London, 1956), pp. 218–19Google Scholar.

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76. Salisburian Conservatism epitomizes this spirit. He once remarked that thinking of change “occupies time and energies which are wanted for other purposes.” See a speech quoted in Lynd, Helen M., England in the Eighteen Eighties (N.Y., 1945), p. 203 Google Scholar. For comment see Cecil, Lady Gwendolyn, Biographical Studies …, pp. 75–76 Google Scholar; Young, G. M., Victorian England, Portrait of an Age (Garden City, N.Y., Anchor Books, 1954), p. 201 Google Scholar. Cf. Clarke, , “Conservative Faith …,” in Conservatism, p. 39 Google Scholar; Jones, Aubrey, Industrial Order (London, 1950), p. 37 Google Scholar.

77. Arthur Balfour, quoted in Maillaud, Pierre, The English Way (London, 1945), p. 85 Google Scholar. Cf. Hooke, saying that it is better “to bear a tolerable burden … than to venture on a dangerous remedy.” Ecclesiastical Polity, IV, xiv, 2 Google Scholar.

78. Quoted in Kissinger, , “Conservative Dilemma …,” Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. (1954), 1020 Google Scholar.

79. From his speech to the meeting in the Carlton Club, October 19, 1922, quoted in Blake, , Unknown Prime Minister, p. 457 Google Scholar.

80. See Lever, Tresham, Life and Times of Sir Robert Peel (London, 1942), p. 153 ff.Google Scholar; Jones, Wilbur Devereaux, Lord Derby and Victorian Conservatism (Oxford 1956), p. 323 f.Google Scholar; Marten, C. H. K., “The Marquis of Salisbury,” in Hearnshaw, (ed.), Political Principles …, p. 279 Google Scholar.

81. Letter to Croker, quoted in Jones, , Derby, p. 154 Google Scholar.

82. Disraeli interviewed Bright on December 15, 1852; see the entry in Bright's diary, in Walling, R. A. J. (ed.), The Diaries of John Bright (London, 1930), pp. 128–30Google Scholar.

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84. Speech, May 27, 1927, quoted in Gleanings and Memoranda, LXVI, (July, 1927), 36 Google Scholar.

85. Speech, May 12, 1933, in Indian Constitutional Reforms (Conservative Central Office, 1933), p. 4 Google Scholar.

86. Hogg, , Case for Conservati m, p. 14 Google Scholar. See also Butler, R. A., “Disraelian Approach …,” in Tradition and Change, p. 11 Google Scholar.

87. See, e.g., Hogg, , One Year's Work, pp. 79–80 Google Scholar; also remarks by SirWilliams, Herbert, reported in The Times, October 4, 1946 Google Scholar; Peel's own dictum concerning a change in political courses is in Parker, Charles S., Sir Robert Peel (London, 1899), II, p. 199 Google Scholar; cf. quotes from a speech by Sir David Eccles, April 13, 1955, Notes on Current Politics, March 4, 1957.

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