¹ Northern Star (June 1, 1839).

² Northern Star (October 13, 1838).

³ Scottish Patriot (December 14, 1839).

⁴ Smelser, Neil, Social Change and the Industrial Revolution (London: Routledge Kegan Paul, 1959), p. 264Google Scholar; Craig Calhoun points out that his timing was off in directly linking unrest in the 1830s to changes in factory families; see his Question of Class Struggle (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 191–96Google Scholar. For “heroic defense,” see Humphries, Jane, “The Working-Class Family: A Marxist Perspective,” in The Family in Political Thought, ed. Elshtain, Jean (Brighton: Harvester, 1982), pp. 204–13Google Scholar.

⁵ See Clark, Anna, “Womanhood and Manhood in the Transition from Plebeian to Working-Class Culture: London, 1780–1845” (Ph.D. thesis, Rutgers University, 1987)Google Scholar, for development of this theme. It will be explored further in Anna Clark, “The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class” (work in progress), which will compare workers in Glasgow, London, and Lancashire. Working independently, Patricia Seleski came to similar conclusions about plebeian domestic confusion—see her “Women of the Laboring Poor: Love, Work and Poverty in London, 1750–1820” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1989), pp. 262–326Google Scholar.

⁶ In this I am following Gareth Stedman Jones, who has repudiated the reading of Chartist rhetoric as a simple reflection of economic discontent; instead, he declares, we must regard it as a political language, embodying a rational political analysis rooted in traditions of radicalism rather than working-class experience. See Jones, Gareth Stedman, “Rethinking Chartism,” in his Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History 1832–1982 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 90–95Google Scholar.

⁷ Jones has been criticized for treating Chartist language as intellectual history, although he criticizes Foster's, JohnClass Struggle in the Industrial Revolution (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar for its socialist dogmatism. See Pickering, Paul A., “Class without Words: Symbolic Communication in the Chartist Movement,” Past and Present, no. 112 (August 1986), pp. 144–62Google Scholar; Gray, Robert, “The Deconstructing of the English Working Class,” Social History 11 (October 1986): 363–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Epstein, James, “Understanding the Cap of Liberty: Symbolic Practice and Social Conflict in Early Nineteenth-Century England,” Past and Present, no. 122 (February 1989), pp. 75–118Google Scholar.

⁸ For rhetoric, see Eagleton, Terry, Literary Theory: An Introduction (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983), p. 206Google Scholar; Bakhtin, Mikhail, The Dialogic Imagination, trans. Holquist, Michael (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), pp. 342, 353Google Scholar; Volosinov's, V. N., Marxism and the Philosophy of Language, trans. Matejka, Ladislav and Titunik, I. R. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986)Google Scholar, is thought to be in part by Bakhtin and presents a more social interpretation of language in context.

⁹ Schaeffer, John D., “The Use and Misuse of Giambattista Vico: Rhetoric, Orality, and Theories of Discourse,” in The New Historicism, ed. Veeser, H. Aram (New York and London: Routledge, 1989), p. 97Google Scholar; Burke, Kenneth, A Rhetoric of Motives (New York: Prentice Hall, 1950), pp. 43, 45, 86Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (London: Hutchinson, 1987), p. 30Google Scholar.

¹¹ Armstrong, Nancy, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 252Google Scholar.

¹² This plot acquired radical connotations in Jacobin novels of the 1790s; see Butler, Marilyn, Jane Austen and the War of Ideas (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), pp. 29–50Google Scholar; and Kelly, Gary, The English Jacobin Novel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976)Google Scholar. For melodrama, which originated as a theatrical form during the French Revolution and then became a working-class popular genre in Great Britain, see Smith, James C., Victorian Melodrama (London: Dent, 1976)Google Scholar; James, Louis, Fiction for the Working Man (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), pp. 171–72Google Scholar; Brooks, Peter, The Melodramatic Imagination (New Haven, Conn., and London: Yale University Press, 1976), p. 44Google Scholar; Vicinus, Martha, “Helpless and Unbefriended: 19th Century Domestic Melodrama,” New Literary History 13, no. 1 (Autumn 1981): 143CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Clark, Anna, “The Politics of Seduction in English Popular Culture,” in The Politics of Romance, ed. Radford, Jean (London: Routledge, 1986), pp. 47–72Google Scholar.

¹³ On domesticity as independence, see Valenze, Deborah, Prophetic Sons and Daughters: Female Preaching and Popular Religion in Industrial England (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 211Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Scott, Joan, “On Language, Gender and Working-Class History,” in her Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), p. 53Google Scholar; Smith, Ruth L. and Valenze, Deborah M., “Mutuality and Marginality: Liberal Moral Theory and Working-Class Women in Nineteenth Century England,” Signs 13, no. 2 (1988): 288CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁶ Laclau and Mouffe argue that the meaning of class was developed within political contests that drew lines of difference between the classes rather than in relation to economic struggles around the modes of production. See Laclau, Ernesto and Mouffe, Chantal, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985), pp. 67–88Google Scholar.

¹⁷ “The Chartists and Universal Suffrage,” Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine 187, no. 46 (1839): 296–97Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Davidoff and Hall, p. 19.

¹⁹ Quoted in Himmelfarb, Gertrude, The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York: Knopf, 1984), p. 123Google Scholar.

²⁰ For political economists, see Polanyi, Karl, The Great Transformation (London: Rinehart, 1944), p. 114, 123–25Google Scholar; for the Poor Law, see Great Britain Commissioners for Inquiry, Report from His Majesty's Commissioners for Inquiry into the Administration and Practical Operation of the Poor Laws (London, 1834), pp. 59, 64, 77, 88–89Google Scholar; Brundage, Anthony, The Making of the New Poor Law (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1978), p. 20Google Scholar; Henriques, Ursula, “Bastardy and the New Poor Law,” Past and Present, no. 37 (1967), pp. 111–12Google Scholar.

²¹ Senior, Nassau, Three Lectures on the Rate of Wages (London, 1830), p. 8Google Scholar; Finlay, Kirkman, Letter to the Right Hon. Lord Ashley on the Cotton Factory System and the Ten Hours Factory Bill (Glasgow, 1833), pp. 4–9Google Scholar; Greg, R. H., The Factory Question (London, 1837), p. 58Google Scholar.

²² “Petition Adopted at the Crown and Anchor Meeting” (1838), in The Early Chartists, ed. Thompson, Dorothy (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1971), p. 62Google Scholar; Epstein, James, “The Constitutionalist Idiom in Radical Reasoning, Rhetoric, and Action in Early 19th Century England,” Journal of Social History 23, no. 3 (1990): 565CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁴ Quotes are from the Northern Star (May 1, 1841), in the context of Lovett and Collins's “New Move,” which broke away from Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association.

²⁵ Clark, Anna, “Queen Caroline and the Sexual Politics of Popular Culture in London, 1820,” Representations 31 (1990): 51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Chartist Circular (November 2, 1839), p. 22Google Scholar.

²⁷ For examples of this rhetoric, see Northern Star (April 7, 1838); Scots Times (January 27, 1841); Bronterre's National Reformer (January 21, 1837); McDouaWs Journal (April 3, 1841), quoted in Kirk, Neville, “In Defense of Class: A Critique of Recent Revisionist Writing upon the Nineteenth Century English Working Class,” International Review of Social History 32 (1987): 21Google Scholar; and Jones, David, in Chartism and the Chartists (London: Allen Lane, 1975), p. 113Google Scholar, for this motif in Chartist poetry.

²⁸ Devyr, Thomas Ainge, The Odd Book of the 19th Century, or Chivalry in Modern Days (New York, 1882), p. 40Google Scholar; he emigrated to America in 1840 to flee prosecution for Chartist activity (see Thompson, ed., p. 271).

²⁹ Massey, Gerald, Poems and Ballads (New York, 1854), p. 147Google Scholar. Another classic narrative could be found in a tale, “English Life,” from the Northern Star (June 5, 1847), in which a happy family is evicted from a cottage and must move to a factory town. The son is crippled in the army, while the beautiful daughter is seduced by the factory master, deserted, becomes a prostitute, and dies.

³⁰ Massey, p. 76. For other examples of golden age rhetoric, see the Northern Star (May 16, 1840) letter by Feargus O'Connor; the Northern Star (June 13, 1840) address from J. Lomax; the Northern Star (January 9, 1841) poem by William Hick, “My Five-Acre Cottage that Stands by the Green.”

³¹ Kirk, p. 21; Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage, 1963), p. 12Google Scholar.

³² Davidoff, Leonore, L'Esperance, Jean, and Newby, Howard, “Landscape with Figures: Home and Community in English Society,” in The Rights and Wrongs of Women, ed. Mitchell, Juliet and Oakley, Ann (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), p. 159Google Scholar.

³³ Turner, Victor, “Social Dramas and Stories about Them,” Critical Inquiry 7, no. 1 (1980): 144CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Turner notes that in social dramas, rather than fiction, the narrative structure is implicit and often alluded to in terms of these metaphorical threads that connect the drama with the social situation.

³⁴ Jones, G. S., “Rethinking Chartism” (n. 6 above), p. 153Google Scholar.

³⁵ Southern Star (January 19, 1840); see a similar motif in the anonymous poem The Doom of Toil (Sunderland, 1841), p. 10Google Scholar. Also see the contrast of upper-class immorality to the virtue of the poor in the Northern Star (January 27, 1838) speech by Mr. William Thornton at a Halifax anti-Poor Law meeting. Also see the Northern Star (October 6, 1838); a similar speech in the Northern Star (September 29, 1838) by Mr. Beal, at a Sheffield demonstration; and an editorial in the Northern Star (February 17, 1838).

³⁶ For anti-Malthusian rhetoric, an affirmation of humanity, see the Scottish Patriot (August 31, 1839; February 1, 1840); see similar rhetoric in the Chartist (May 16, 1839); Northern Star (February 17, 1838; February 16, 1839).

³⁷ Northern Star (December 8, 1838); see similar rhetoric in another Northern Star (January 2, 1841).

³⁸ This originated with Gammage, R. G., History of the Chartist Movement, 1837–1854 (1894; reprint, New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1969)Google Scholar; Sofer, Renee, “Attitudes and Allegiances in the Unskilled North,” International Review of Social History 10, no. 1 (1965): 429–54Google Scholar; Ward, J. T., Chartism (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), pp. 111–42Google Scholar.

³⁹ Behagg, Clive, Politics and Production in the Early Nineteenth Century (London: Routledge, 1990), p. 212Google Scholar; Thompson, Dorothy, The Chartists (Aldershot, Hampshire: Wildwood House, 1984), p. 58Google Scholar; Epstein, James, The Lion of Freedom: Feargus O'Connor and the Chartist Movement (London: Croom Helm, 1982), p. 239Google Scholar. However, the fact remains that this was an important debate in Chartism, although it often concerned notions of organization and authority rather than the question of violence. For evidence of this debate, see Northern Star (January 27, 1838; March 24, 1838; June 23, 1838; September 28, 1838; July 7, 1838; November 17, 1838; November 3, 1838; October 13, 1838; December 29, 1838; December 22, 1838); Wilson, Alexander, The Chartist Movement in Scotland (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1970), p. 101Google Scholar. Robert Sykes points out that there was an overlap in tactics between the two wings; see his “Physical Force Chartism: The Cotton District and the Chartist Crisis of 1839,” International Review of Social History 30 (1985): 211Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Address and Rules of the Working Men's Association, for benefiting politicly, socially, and morally the useful classes (London, 1836), p. 2Google Scholar.

⁴¹ “Address from the London Working Men's Association to the Citizens of the American Republic” (1837), in Life and Struggles by Lovett, William, (London: Bell, 1920), p. 137Google Scholar.

⁴² Lovett, William, Social and Political Morality (London, 1853), p. 83Google Scholar.

⁴³ Swaine, Edward, The Political Franchise a Public Trust, demanding an intelligent and virtuous care for the public good (London, n.d.), p. 28Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ This was a form of rough yet radical manhood discussed by MacCalman, Iain in Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795–1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 149Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Goodway, David, London Chartism (Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 45Google Scholar; Godfrey, Christopher, Chartist Lives: The Anatomy of a Working-Class Movement (New York: Garland, 1987), p. 119Google Scholar, for disruption of an anti-Poor Law meeting; see the Glasgow Constitutional (November 7, 1840) for disruption of a meeting about a house of refuge; the Glasgow Constitutional (December 5, 1840), for a meeting to celebrate the queen's birthday; see the Glasgow Constitutional (December 25, 1839), for an interruption of an anti-Corn Law meeting.

⁴⁶ Kremitz, Thomas Milton, “Approaches to the Chartist Movement: Feargus O'Connor and Chartist Strategy,” Albion 5 (1973): 57–73Google Scholar; Maehl, William Henry Jr., “The Dynamics of Violence in Chartism: A Case Study in North-east England,” Albion 7 (1975): 102CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁷ London Democrat (May 11, 1839).

⁴⁸ Northern Star (October 16, 1838; December 22, 1838).

⁴⁹ Speech at Wigan Chartist meeting in Northern Star (November 17, 1838); see also D. Jones (n. 27 above), p. 115.

⁵⁰ Northern Star (June 1, 1839).

⁵¹ Northern Star (May 18, 1839). While Stephens's support of universal suffrage was ephemeral, fading by 1840, he had very strong support among the Chartists in the first years of Chartism. See Thompson, D., The Chartists (n. 39 above), p. 265Google Scholar.

⁵² Rappaport, Steve, Worlds within Words: Structures of Life in Sixteenth Century London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for comparative perspectives, see Quataert, Jean, “The Shaping of Women's Work in Manufacturing,” American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (1985), p. 1135CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Howell, Martha, Women, Patriarchy and Production in Late Medieval Cities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 161CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schwarz, L. D., “Conditions of Life and Work in London, c. 1770–1820, with Special References to East London” (D.Phil, diss., Oxford University, 1976), pp. 68, 70Google Scholar; Clark, “Womanhood and Manhood” (n. 5 above), chap. 8; Rose, Sonya, “Gender Antagonism and Class Conflict: Exclusionary Strategies of Male Trade Unionists in Nineteenth-Century Britain,” Social History 13, no. 2 (1988): 191–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for some examples of artisan misogyny, see Trades Free Press (October 28, 1827), disapproving of women's attendance at political meetings; and Trades Free Press (December 30, 1827), advocating wifely submission.

⁵³ Behagg (n. 39 above), p. 130; MacCalman, p. 28.

⁵⁴ English Chartist Circular 1 (1841): 166Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Thompson, D., The Chartists, p. 259Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Lowery, Robert, “Autobiography,” in Robert Lowery, Radical and Chartist, ed. Harrison, Brian and Hollis, Patricia (London: Europa Publications, 1979), p. 141Google Scholar.

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⁶² Foster (n. 7 above), p. 221, tends to portray temperance as part of “liberalization” and the co-optation of the working class. For another view, see Harrison, Brian, “Teetotal Chartism,” History 58, no. 2 (1973): 193–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Temperance had been advocated in the 1820s for political reasons by trade unionist John Gast; see Prothero, Iorwerth, Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century London (London: Methuen, 1981), p. 216Google Scholar.

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⁶⁴ Carlisle Journal (October 6, 1838), quoted in Harrison and Hollis, eds., p. 33.

⁶⁵ Lifeboat (December 9, 1843).

⁶⁶ True Scotsman (April 25, 1840); Vincent, Henry and others, An Address to the Working Men of England, Scotland and Wales (London: Five a Penny Tracts for the People, [1840])Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Perhaps this is what Hans Medick means when he writes, “The long-term needs of the household had a relatively low priority in the monetary sphere. By contrast, the demand for public consumption in the monetary sphere was extraordinarily high.” See “Plebeian Culture in the Transition to Capitalism,” in Culture, Ideology and Politics, ed. Samuel, Raphael and Jones, Gareth Stedman (London: Routledge Kegan Paul, 1983), p. 91Google Scholar.

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⁷⁴ True Scotsman (September 26, 1838).

⁷⁵ Northern Star (June 9, 1838).

⁷⁶ Northern Star (December 10, 1842).

⁷⁷ As women had developed a dignified political role for themselves in the Queen Caroline affair. See Clark, , “Queen Caroline” (n. 25 above), pp. 60–62Google Scholar.

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⁸² Northern Star (July 24, 1841), quoted in Frow, Ruth and Frow, Edmund, eds., Political Women, 1800–1850 (London: Pluto, 1989), pp. 199–200Google Scholar.

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⁸⁴ True Scotsman (October 20, 1839).

⁸⁵ Scots Times (March 13, 1840).

⁸⁶ Northern Star (February 16, 1839).

⁸⁷ Northern Star (February 2, 1839).

⁸⁸ Scots Times (May 1, 1840).

⁸⁹ Scots Times (November 18, 1840).

⁹⁰ Scots Times (December 30, 1840).

⁹¹ True Scotsman (December 22, 1838).

⁹² Mary Grassby, a Yorkshire agitator, was attacked by the Globe newspaper for her critique of workhouse marital separation on the grounds that she herself was separated (quoted in the London Dispatch [April 1, 1838]).

⁹³ National Association Gazette (April 30, 1842; see also February 5, 1842).

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⁹⁵ Northern Star (June 23, 1838).

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⁹⁹ Northern Star (September 19, 1840; January 2, 1841).

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¹⁰² Epstein, “Constitutionalist Idiom” (n. 22 above), p. 565.

¹⁰³ Here I differ from Behagg, who argues that workplace democracy produced Chartist ideas of democracy by showing that workplace gender hierarchy limited Chartist democracy. See Behagg (n. 39 above), pp. 57, 146, 157; for gender hierarchy in the workplace, see Lazonick, William, “Industrial Relations and the Case of the Self-Acting Mule,” Cambridge Journal of Economics 3, no. 3 (1979): 233Google Scholar.

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