Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t7czq Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T06:51:37.680Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Making of a Radical: The Case of James Burgh

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 January 2014

Carla H. Hay
Carla H. Hay*
Affiliation:
Marquette University
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

During the decade before the American Revolution, the dissenting schoolmaster, James Burgh, became one of England's foremost propagandists for radical reform. All of the recent works on English radicalism and the ideological origins of the American Revolution recognize the important place of Burgh's magnum opus, the Political Disquisitions, in these movements. Burgh himself, however, has remained a shadowy figure. The process whereby he became a radical has not been explored; important nuances of his political philosophy are unknown; the scope of his radical actions are insufficiently appreciated; and the extent of his influence has not been fully evaluated. In short, there exist some rather incredible gaps in our understanding of the author of a work uniformly agreed to be the “standard source book for reform propagandists in the 1780's,” and “perhaps the most important political treatise which appeared in England in the first half of the reign of George III.” More importantly, in rectifying this situation it becomes obvious that Burgh's career raises some important questions about the character and development of late eighteenth-century English radicalism and suggests the need to qualify or modify certain current perceptions of that movement.

One of eleven children, Burgh was born in late 1714 in the rural Scottish community of Madderty, Perthshire. His father Andrew was minister of the parish Church of Scotland. His mother Margaret was an aunt of the famous Scottish historian William Robertson. Although almost nothing is known of James's youth, his writing indicates that his childhood was happy and the force of his parents' example was considerable.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of British Studies , Volume 18 , Issue 2 , Spring 1979 , pp. 90 - 117
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1979

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Robbins, Caroline, The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman; Studies in the Transmission, Development and Circumstance of English Liberal Thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the War with the Thirteen Colonies (New York, 1968; first edn., Cambridge, 1959), p. 365Google Scholar; Adair, Douglas, “The Authorship of the Disputed Federalist Papers,” William and Mary Quarterly (July, 1944), I, 261Google Scholar; Black, Eugene, The Association: British Extraparliamenlary Political Organization, 1769-1793 (Cambridge, 1963), p. 29nGoogle Scholar; Gilbert, Felix, To the Farewell Address: Ideas of Early American Foreign Policy (Princeton, 1961), p. 36Google Scholar; Adams, Randolph G., Political Ideas of the American Revolution (3rd edn.; New York, 1958), p. 184Google Scholar; Mason, Alpheus Thomas, The States Rights Debate: Antifederalism and the Constitution (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1964), p. 8Google Scholar; Bailyn, Bernard, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, 1967), p. 41Google Scholar; Colbourn, H. Trevor, “John Dickinson, Historical Revolutionary,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (July, 1959), LXXXIII, 283–86Google Scholar; Brewer, John, Party Ideology and Popular Politics at the Accession of George III (Cambridge, Eng., 1976), p. 214CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bonwick, Colin, English Radicals and the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1977), pp. 8, 75Google Scholar.

2. The most substantial published account of Burgh's career is an article by Oscar and Mary Handlin that relies largely on Burgh's Political Disquisitions and makes no use of Burgh's newspaper letters or unpublished writings. See “James Burgh and American Revolutionary Theory,” Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society, LXXIII (Jan.-Dec., 1961), 38–57Google Scholar.

3. Black, , The Association, p. 29nGoogle Scholar; Robbins, , Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman, p. 365Google Scholar.

4. Kippis, Andrew, Biographia Britannica, III (London, 1784), 13–16Google Scholar. Hay, Carla H., “Crusading Schoolmaster: James Burgh, 1714-1775” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Kentucky, 1972)Google Scholar.

5. Kippis, , Biographia Britannica, III, 14Google Scholar; Robbins, , Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman, p. 178Google Scholar; [Burgh, James], Thoughts on Education (London, 1747)Google Scholar; [Burgh, James], Youth's friendly Monitor (London, 1754)Google Scholar; J[ames], B[urgh], The Dignity of Human Nature, 2 vols. (London, 1767; originally published 1754), II, 178Google Scholar; Burgh, James, “Remarks Historical and Political Collected from Books and Observation. Humbly presented to the King's most excellent Majesty,” British Library, King's MS 433, pp. 16, 121–24, 136–37, 165–68, 198, 201Google Scholar; [J[ames], B[urgh]], An Account of the First Settlement, Laws, Form of Government, and Police of the Cessares, A People of South America: in Nine Letters, from Mr. Vander Neck, one of the Senators of that Nation, to his Friend in Holland with notes by the editor (London, 1764), pp. 7–8nGoogle Scholar; [Burgh, James], Crito, 2 vols. (London, 1766–1767), I, 50, 54Google Scholar; II, 71, 89-90; [Burgh, James], Political Disquisitions, III, 3 vols. (London, 1774–1775), 226–27Google Scholar.

6. Lincoln, Anthony has discussed this phenomenon in Some Political and Social Ideas of English Dissent, 1763-1800 (Cambridge, Eng., 1938)Google Scholar.

7. [Burgh, James], “Constitutionalist,” Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (London), IX, Oct. 21, 1769Google Scholar; Burgh, , Youth's Friendly Monitor, p. xiiGoogle Scholar.

8. Burgh, , Crito, II, 211Google Scholar; Burgh, , Political Disquisitions, III, 417Google Scholar; Burgh, , Dignity of Human Nature, II, 198Google Scholar.

9. Britain's Remembrancer had 6-8 editions in the British Isles and 4 in America. Sales exceeded 10,000 copies. Kippis, , Biographia Britannica, III, 14Google Scholar; Burgh, , Youth's Friendly Monitor, p. ivGoogle Scholar. John Brewer notes that sales of 5,000 copies constituted “spectacular success” for eighteenth-century pamphlets. Party Ideology and Popular Politics, p. 146.

10. Burgh, Burgh, Thoughts on Education, pp. 15–16Google Scholar; Burgh, , Dignity of Human Nature, I, 164, 254–55Google Scholar; II, 195-206. [James, Burgh], “The Free Enquirer,” General Evening Post (London), XXIII, Oct. 30-Nov. 1, 1753Google Scholar; XXVII, Nov. 27-29, 1753.

11. Robbins, , Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman, p. 177Google Scholar; Burgh, , Dignity of Human Nature, I, 255Google Scholar.

12. Clayden, Peter William, The Early Life of Samuel Rogers (Boston, 1888), p. 4Google Scholar.

13. Hales was Clerk of the Closet to the Dowager Princess Augusta and Chaplain to Prince George. Hayter, Bishop of Norwich, was Preceptor to the young princess for a short time after Prince Frederick's death and used Burgh's educational tracts in instructing his royal charges. Burgh, , Youth's Friendly Monitor, p. vGoogle Scholar.

14. Kramnick, Isaac, Bolingbroke and his Circle (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 163ff, 236ff.Google Scholar

15. Burgh, , Dignity of Human Nature, II, 178Google Scholar.

16. Kramnick, , Bolingbroke and his Circle, pp. 95–96Google Scholar.

17. Burgh, , Crito, II, 83Google Scholar, 18.

18. Ibid., 208-09, 212-13.

19. Burgh, , Dignity of Human Nature, I, 174Google Scholar; II, 485.

20. Hay, , “Crusading Schoolmaster,” pp. 156–57Google Scholar.

21. Brewer, , Party Ideology and Popular Politics, p. 23Google Scholar; Public Advertiser (London), Oct. 29, Nov. 1, 1760Google Scholar.

22. Colin Bonwick's recent study, English Radicals and the American Revolution, makes no mention of this dimension of radical politics. John Brewer makes only a passing reference to it. Party Ideology and Popular Politics, p. 23.

23. Burgh, , Dignity of Human Nature, I, vii–viiiGoogle Scholar; “Remarks Historical and Political,” pp. 6-7.

24. Burgh, , “Remarks Historical and Political,” pp. i–iiGoogle Scholar.

25. Burgh, , Political Disquisitions, I, 49–50, 374Google Scholar; II, 48; III, 183, 433.

26. Burgh, , “Remarks Historical and Political,” pp. 2–6, 17–18, 21, 52–53, 80, 132, 222Google Scholar.

27. Ibid., pp. 23, 32, 41-42, 59-68, 107, 121-22, 167, 198.

28. Brewer, , Party Ideology and Popular Politics, pp. 20, 207Google Scholar.

29. Burgh, , Political Disquisitions, III, 179–80, 191Google Scholar; “Remarks Historical and Political,” p. 2.

30. Ibid., 30.

31. The best available study of the Whigs, Honest is Crane, Verner, “The Club of Honest Whigs: Friends of Science and Liberty,” William and Mary Quarterly, XXIII (April, 1966), 210–33Google Scholar.

32. Corner, George W. (ed.), The Autobiography of Benjamin Rush; His “Travels Through Life” together with his Commonplace Book for 1789-1813 (Princeton, 1948), pp. 60–61Google Scholar. Mrs. Macaulay and Burgh were highly complimentary of each other's work. After Burgh's death it was alleged by one of the historian's critics that she had inherited Burgh's unpublished writings and was palming them off as her own. She indignantly denied the charge. See [Anonymous] in The St. James's Chronicle; or, British Evening-Post (London), Aug. 25-27, 1778Google Scholar and Macaulay, Catharine to The Bath Chronicle, Sept. 3, 1778Google Scholar.

33. Viner, Jacob, “Man's Economic Status,” Ch. 2 in Clifford, James L. (ed), Man Versus Society in 18th-Century Britain; Six Points of View (New York, 1972), p. 48Google Scholar.

34. Burgh, , Political Disquisitions, I, 9, 50, 116–17Google Scholar; II, 18. Burgh was not always consistent in his statements about constitutional ideals. In Crito, II, 36–37Google Scholar he commented that “the wit of man will never devise any form of government preferable to limited monarchy, with a house of lords, and another of commons, rightly regulated, and duly balanced against one another.”

35. Burgh, , Account of the Cessares, p. vGoogle Scholar.

36. Burgh, , Crito, I, xxiii, II, 83Google Scholar, 18.

37. [Burgh, James], Britain's Remembrancer: Being Some thoughts on the proper improvement of the present juncture. (7th edn.; Boston, 1759; first edn., London, 1746), pp. 41, 43Google Scholar; Dignity of Human Nature, II, 255Google Scholar; Crito, II, 208Google Scholar; [Burgh, James], PROPOSALS (Humbly offered to the PUBLIC) For an ASSOCIATION Against The Iniquitous Practices of ENGROSSERS, FORESTALLERS, JOBBERS, etc. And For Reducing The PRICE OF PROVISIONS, Especially BUTCHERS MEAT (London, 1766), pp. 8ffGoogle Scholar; Crito, II, 83Google Scholar, 18; Burgh, , “Constitutionalist,” III, Gazetteer, Aug. 18, 1769Google Scholar; IV, Aug. 28, 1769; VI, Sept. 15, 1769.

38. The success of the Stamp Act Congress undoubtedly reinforced Burgh's confidence in associating. But given his longstanding interest in the device, it is unlikely that the American example was crucial to his appeals for Englishmen to form political associations.

39. Gentleman's Magazine, XXXVII (May, 1767), 262Google Scholar; The Monthly Review, XXXVII (July, 1767), 9–16Google Scholar; The London Chronicle, May 14-16, 1767, p. 465Google Scholar; June 23-25, 1767, pp. 601-02; Aug. 6-8, 1767, p. 129; “Forewarned is Forearmed,” ibid., July 28-30, 1767, p. 103; [anonymous], ibid., Aug. 22-25, 1767, p. 189; Political Register, I (1767), 484Google Scholar.

40. Burgh, , Crito, II, 19, 190Google Scholar.

41. Bonwick, , English Radicals and the American Revolution, p. 117Google Scholar; Burgh, , Crito, I, 24–25Google Scholar.

42. Quoted in Christie, Ian, Wilkes, Wyvill, and Reform: The Parliamentary Reform Movement in British Politics, 1760-1785 (London, 1962), p. 32Google Scholar.

43. Burgh, , Political Disquisitions, I, 206–07Google Scholar.

44. See the Gazetteer for July 15, Aug. 7, 18, and 28, Sept. 1, 15, and 27, Oct. 6, 21, and 27, Nov. 4, 16, and 28, Dec. 7 and 27, Feb. 28, March 14, May 12, 21, and 25, 1769-1770. Colin Bonwick claims that “alone among the Commonwealthmen [Joseph] Priestley expressed his views in a public pamphlet” on the Wilkes controversy. English Radicals and the American Revolution, p. 117. This statement requires clarification or qualification in light of Burgh's “Constitutionalist” letters.

45. “Constitutionalist” letters were reprinted in The London Chronicle, Aug. 29-31, 1769, p. 212Google Scholar, March 13-15, 1770, p. 255, May 24-26, 1770, p. 500; The Middlesex Journal (London), Aug. 8-10, 1769, Sept. 16-19, 1769Google Scholar; and The Kentish Gazette (Canterbury), July 19-22, 1769Google Scholar. In “Constitutionalist,” IX, Oct. 21, 1769Google Scholar and XII, Nov. 16, 1769, Burgh expressed his appreciation to various correspondents with The Public Advertiser and The London Chronicle as well as the Gazetteer. In addition to Burgh's specific acknowledgements, the series prompted a number of sympathetic letters from correspondents to the Gazetteer, including “An Exclusioner,” July 29, 1769; “Another Constitutionalist,” Sept. 7, 1769; “A Freeholder of Kent,” and “W.B.,” Oct. 19, 1769; “Cambro-Britannus,” Oct. 26, 1769; “Amor Patriae Meae,” Oct. 28, 1769; “J.O.,” Nov. 2, 1769; “A Briton,” and “L.R.B.,” Nov. 8, 1769; “A Freeholder,” Dec. 28, 1769, Jan. 15, 1770; “Card,” Jan. 6, 1770; “Mat Meanwell,” Jan. 23, 1770; “DOUBLE-FEE,” June 18, 1770; and a series of rebuttals from “Brecknock,” Sept. 18 and 28, Oct. 5, 10, and 26, Nov. 2 and 22, Dec. 26, Jan. 2, 5, and 17, 1769-70.

46. Burgh, , “Constitutionalist,” I, Gazetteer, July 15, 1769Google Scholar.

47. Burgh, , Political Disquisitions, II, 90, 277Google Scholar.

48. Andrew Kippis first identified Burgh, James as “The Colonist's Advocate.” Biographia Britannica, III, 15Google Scholar. In his edition of Benjamin Franklin's Letters to the Press, 1758-1775 (Chapel Hill, 1950), p. 167Google Scholar, Verner Crane attributed the letters to Benjamin Franklin. For a resolution of this controversy, see Hay, Carla H., “Benjamin Franklin, James Burgh and the Authorship of ‘The Colonist's Advocate’ Letters,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, XXXII (Jan. 1975), 111–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49. Crane, , Franklin's Letters to the Press, p. 285Google Scholar. The London Chronicle, Middlesex Journal, and Public Advertiser carried very little commentary on colonial matters in general during the months of January through March when the question of repealing the Townshend duties was being debated in parliament. Other than “The Colonist's Advocate” letters, the most extended comment on the issue of repeal was the letters of “Old Mentor,” written in rebuttal to “The Colonist's Advocate.” See the Public Advertiser, Jan. 9, 11, 18, Feb. 17 and 23, 1770. The London Chronicle published excerpts from “The Colonist's Advocate,” Jan. 30-Feb. 1, 1770, p. 112Google Scholar and Feb. 20-22, 1770, p. 180.

50. Bonwick, , English Radicals and the American Revolution, p. 119Google Scholar.

51. Burgh, , “The Colonist's Advocate,” VI, Public Advertiser, Jan. 29, 1770Google Scholar, reprinted in Crane, , Benjamin Franklin's Letters, p. 185Google Scholar; Burgh, , “Constitutionalist,” V, Gazetteer, Sept. 1, 1769Google Scholar.

52. Burgh, , “Constitutionalist,” XI, Gazetteer, Nov. 4, 1769Google Scholar; Nichols, John, Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century (London, 1812), II, 265–66Google Scholar.

53. Burgh, , “Constitutionalist,” I, Gazetteer, July 15, 1769Google Scholar; Political Disquisitions, I, 36–38Google Scholar; Crito, I, 54Google Scholar.

54. Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963), pp. 88–89Google Scholar.

55. Burgh, , “Remarks Historical and Political,” p. 67Google Scholar; Crito, II, 38Google Scholar; Political Disquisitions, I, 49Google Scholar. Only in his Utopian society where everyone shared equally in the community's property did Burgh discountenance plural voting. Account of the Cessares, p. 48.

56. Burgh, , Dignity of Human Nature, I, 32Google Scholar.

57. Burgh, , “Remarks Historical and Political,” p. 180Google Scholar; Political Disquisitions, I, 200Google Scholar; III, 425-26, 434-39.

58. Ibid., II. 3.

59. The Monthly Review (Feb., 1774), L, 109–22Google Scholar; (Nov., 1774), LI, 344-55; (Aug., 1775), LII, 109-15; The Critical Review (Feb., 1774), XXXVII, 89–93Google Scholar; (Jan., 1775), XXXIX, 28-32; (March, 1775), XXXIX, 178-81; The London Magazine, (April, 1774), XLIII, 195Google Scholar; (July, 1774), XLIII, 340-42; (March, 1775), XLIV, 146-47; Gentleman's Magazine (Dec., 1774), XLIV, 585–86Google Scholar; and “C.,” The Scots Magazine (Edinburgh) (Feb., 1774), XXXVI, 90Google Scholar; “An Independent Whig,” St. James's Chronicle, Jan. 17-19, 1775Google Scholar; “Indignatus,” The London Evening-Post, July 21-23, 1778Google Scholar; The Pennsylvania Packet or The General Advertiser (Philadelphia), Nov. 13, 27, 1775Google Scholar; “H.S.B.M.,” The Kentucky Gazette (Lexington), Nov. 26, 1791Google Scholar; Price, Richard, Nader Aanmerkingen Over Den Aart en De Waorde Der Burgerlyke Vryheid en eener Vrye Regeering benevens, trans. by van der Capellen, Johan Derk Baron (Lyden, 1777), pp. 30–48Google Scholar.

60. Macaulay, Catharine, An ADDRESS to the PEOPLE of England, Scotland, and Ireland, on the present Important Crisis of AFFAIRS (2nd ed.; London, 1775), pp. 22–25Google Scholar. John Wilkes speech to Parliament, March 21, 1776 as quoted in Maccoby, S. (ed.), The English Radical Tradition, 1763-1914 (New York, 1952, 1957), p. 30Google Scholar. Price, Richard, Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, The Principles of Government, and the Justice and Policy of the War with America (8th ed.; London, 1778), p. 10n.Google Scholar; Observations on the Importance of the American Revolution and The Means of Making it a Benefit to the World (London, 1784), p. 54nGoogle Scholar. The Life and Works of Thomas Paine, ed. by Van der Weyde, William M., (New Rochelle, New York, 1925), II, 166Google Scholar. Christie, Ian, Wilkes, Wyvill and Reform, pp. 146, 186Google Scholar. Olson, Alison Gilbert, The Radical Duke (London, 1961), p. 52Google Scholar. Disney, John, The Works Theological, Medical, Political, and Miscellaneous, of John Jebb, M.D., F.S.R. with Memoirs of the Life of the Author (London, 1787), II, 436, 468n., 502Google Scholar; III, 286-87; Lofft, Capel, Letter to the Society for Constitutional Information ([London], 1782), p. 55Google Scholar; Robbins, , Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman, p. 398Google Scholar; Minutes of the SCI, Sept. 20, 1782, PRO, TS11/1133, fol. 110.

61. Cartwright, John, The Legislative Rights of the Commonalty Vindicated; or, Take Your Choice! (2nd ed.; London, 1777), pp. xi-xiv, xxix-xxx, 17, 39–40, 51–53, 110–11, 198–99Google Scholar. In John Cartwright (Cambridge, Eng., 1972), p. 22Google Scholar, John Osborne contends that Burgh “received scant mention from Cartwright in his writings.” This certainly is not true of Take Your Choice!

62. Bonwick, , English Radicals and the American Revolution, pp. 134, 285nGoogle Scholar.

63. Advertisement prefixed to [Arthur O'Connor's], THE MEASURES OF MINISTRY TO PREVENT A REVOLUTION ARE THE CERTAIN MEANS OF BRINGING IT ON (3rd ed.; London, 1794)Google Scholar. Patton, Lewis and Mann, Peter (eds.), The Collected Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (London and Princeton, 1971), I, xlvii–xlviii; 270ffGoogle Scholar. Howe, P. P. (ed.), The Complete Works of William Hazlitt (London, [1930]), I, 265–81Google Scholar. Rutt, John T. (ed.), The Theological and Miscellaneous Works of Joseph Priestley, LL.D. F. R. S. etc. in 25 vols. (Hackney, [1832]), XXII, 144n., 227n., 385–86n., 392n.Google Scholar, XXV, 89n., 101n. Morgan, William, Memoirs of the Life of The Rev. Richard Price (London, 1815), p. 96nGoogle Scholar. THOMAS G. STEVENSON'S CATALOGUE of Historical Books for sale (Edinburgh, 1842), p. 31Google Scholar.

64. Colbourn, , “John Dickinson, Historical Revolutionary,” 284Google Scholar; Adams, C.F., The Works of John Adams with a Life of the Author, 10 vols. (Boston, 1850–1856), IX, 351Google Scholar.

65. Colbourn, H. Trevor, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1965), p. 19Google Scholar. The American edition of the Disquisitions was published sixteen months after volume one appeared in England.

66. Bailyn, , Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, p. ixGoogle Scholar. Bailyn's book illuminates the significance of the Commonwealthman tradition in the formation of American revolutionary ideology.

67. Pennsylvania Packet, Nov. 13, 27, 1775. See also The New-York Journal; or The General Advertiser (New York), June 22, Nov. 23, 1775Google Scholar and The New York Gazette; and the Weekly Mercury (New York), June 26, 1775Google Scholar. Adams, C. F., Works of John Adams, X, 202Google Scholar. Smith, J. E. A., The History of Pittsfield, (Berkshire County) Massachusetts, From the Year 1734 to the Year 1800 (Boston, 1869), pp. 225–26Google Scholar. Handlin, , “James Burgh and American Revolutionary Theory,” Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., LXXIII, 38Google Scholar. The evidence, however, will not sustain Handlin's sweeping assertion that the Disquisitions had even more influence upon the “common folk” than upon the leadership of the revolutionary generation.

68. Colbourn, H. Trevor, “Thomas Jefferson's Use of the Past,” William and Mary Quarterly (Jan., 1958), XV, 65n.Google Scholar; Colbourn, , The Lamp of Experience, p. 221Google Scholar; The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Lipscomb, Andrew (Washington, D.C., 1905), VIII, 32Google Scholar. Randall, Henry Stephens, The Life of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1858), I, 53, 55Google Scholar. McClosky, Robert Green (ed.), The Works of James Wilson (Cambridge, 1967), I, 107–08Google Scholar. Bigelow, Abijah, The Voter's Guide: or the Power, Duty, & Privileges of the Constitutional Voters in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (Leominster, Mass., 1807), pp. 113, 139–41Google Scholar; Main, Jackson Turner, The Antifederalists; Critics of the Constitution, 1781-1788 (Chapel Hill, 1961), pp. 8–11, 78n.Google Scholar; “Argus,” The Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser (Boston), April 18, 1782Google Scholar. “A Democratic Federalist,” Maryland Gazette or Baltimore Advertiser, Oct. 26, 1787Google Scholar; [Anonymous], ibid., Sept. 4, 1787; “H.S.B.M.,” The Kentucky Gazette, Nov. 26, 1791Google Scholar, Dec. 24, 1791; “XYZ,” ibid., Feb., 18, 1792.

69. Kippis, , Biographia Britannica, III, 15Google Scholar.

70. Stephens, Alexander, Memoirs of John Horne Tooke, 2 vols. (New York, 1968; orig. edn., London, 1813), II, 282–83Google Scholar.

71. In 1783 an anonymous pamphleteer who advocated associating to “restore the ancient constitution” by shortening the duration of parliaments and securing an equal representation echoed Burgh's hopes that “a Patriot King may annihilate Faction and, supported by the confidence of a grateful People, smile at the impotent struggles of pseudo-patriots.” Even the republican historian, Catharine Macaulay, argued as late as 1790 that if a country would have a king, he should not be a constitutional cipher, but a “patriot king.” A SOLEMN APPEAL to the GOOD SENSE OF THE NATION: Pointing Out The Immediate Necessity Of A CORDIAL COALITION Between The KING AND THE PEOPLE (London, 1783), p. 13Google Scholar. Macaulay, Catharine, Letters on Education (London, 1790), pp. 224–25, 229, 272–73Google Scholar.