¹ Comerford, R. V., “Anglo-French Tension and Origins of Fenianism,” in Ireland under the Union: Varieties of Tension; Essays in Honour of T. W. Moody, ed. Lyons, F. S. L. and Hawkins, R. A. J. (Oxford, 1980), 149–57.Google Scholar

² Garibaldi received a commemorative sword from Newcastle workers in 1854; see Duggan, Christopher, “Giuseppe Mazzini in Britain and Italy,” in Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism, 1830–1920, ed. Bayly, C. A. and Biagini, Eugenio (Oxford, 2008), 192.Google Scholar

³ O’Brien, Jennifer, “Irish Public Opinion and the Risorgimento, 1859–1860,” Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 135 (May 2005): 289.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ The theme is pursued in Parry, J. P., “The Impact of Napoleon III on British Politics, 1851–1880,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 11 (2002): 147–75.Google Scholar

⁵ Ernest Renan's famous lecture of 1882, “What Is a Nation?” is extracted in many nationalism readers, including Nationalism in Europe, 1815 to the Present, ed. Woolf, Stuart (London, 1996), 48–60.Google Scholar

⁶ Irishman, 15 September 1860. Louis-Napoleon, Mitchel continued, “is the living incarnation of the ideas of the First Napoleon. … And the great leading idea of that revelation is that France, by adhering to the principles of her own Revolution and of the Empire, must become the most beneficent, as well as the most potent, of nations. And further, that the sole obstacle to that great consummation is now, and has been for fifty years, no other than the oligarchy of England.” See also Irishman, 14 November 1863, on France's “mission” as “the centre of human civilisation”: “France must labour to give Peace to Europe, on the only basis of true peace—Justice and Liberty. She must make the political principles of 1789 triumph everywhere.”

⁷ Hazareesingh, Sudhir, The Legend of Napoleon (London, 2005), 209–10.Google Scholar

⁸ The standard account is Marianne Elliott's Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven, CT, 1982).Google Scholar See also Moylan, Terry, The Age of Revolution in the Irish Song Tradition (Dublin, 2001)Google Scholar.

⁹ Nation, 8 December 1860. See also Firinne, D. H. and O'Curry, Eugene, Life of Marshall MacMahon, Duke of Magenta; with the Pedigree of the MacMahon Family from their Founder, Brian Boroimhe, Monarch of Ireland, Down to the Present Century, from the Authentic Historic Documents (Dublin, 1859).Google Scholar “Printed and Published at the ‘Irishman’ Office,” this sixty-seven-page pamphlet begins: “Irish hearts take deep interest in the fortunes and fame of the descendents of our race who daily win distinction in the front rank of war and politics amongst the great nations of the continent. Irish national faith, trampled and spat upon at home, finds some consolation in the glory of these children of the Gael.”

¹⁰ Peatling, Gary K., “Saxon and Celt on the Rhine? Race, Religion and Representation in Irish Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War, 1870–71,” in Ireland and Europe in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Litvak, Leon and Graham, Colin (Dublin, 2006), 112–21.Google Scholar

¹¹ See, e.g., Sperber, Jonathan, Rhineland Radicals: The Democratic Movement and the Revolution of 1848–1849 (Princeton, NJ, 1991), 147.Google Scholar

¹² Nation, 4 March 1848.

¹³ Kerr, Donal, A Nation of Beggars? Priests, People, and Politics in Famine Ireland, 1846–1852 (Oxford, 1994), 54–56.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Nation, 4 March 1848.

¹⁵ Nation, 4 March 1848.

¹⁶ Nation, 11 March 1848.

¹⁷ Ibid.

¹⁸ Soldani, Simonetta, “Approaching Europe in the Name of the Nation,” in Europe in 1848: Revolution and Reform, ed. Dowe, Deiter, Haupt, Heinz-Gerhard, Langewiesche, Dieter, and Sperber, Jonathan, trans. Higgins, David (New York and Oxford, 2001), 63–72Google Scholar; Kerr, A Nation of Beggars? 89–90, 130–31.

¹⁹ For the constancy of this position, see Weekly Freeman, 5 November 1859, 26 November 1859, and 3 December 1859. For the British position, see Biagini, Eugenio F., Liberty, Retrenchment, and Reform: Popular Liberalism in the Age of Gladstone (Cambridge and New York, 1992), 222.Google Scholar

²⁰ Viaene, Vincent, Belgium and the Holy See from Gregory XVI to Pius IX (1831–1959): Catholic Revival, Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Louvain, 2001), 489–533.Google Scholar

²¹ Nation, 18 March 1848.

²² Quoted in Sloan, Robert, William Smith O’Brien and the Young Ireland Rebellion of 1848 (Dublin, 1848), 211.Google Scholar

²³ Nation, 18 March 1848.

²⁴ Ibid.

²⁵ Petler, D. N., “Ireland and France in 1848,” Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 498–501.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁶ Sloan, William Smith O’Brien, 220.

²⁷ Petler, “Ireland and France in 1848,” 502; Jiři Kovalka, “Revolution in the Habsburg Monarchy,” in Dowe et al., Europe in 1848, 148.

²⁸ See Duffy, Charles Gavan, Four Years of Irish History, 1845–1849 (London, 1883), 569Google Scholar; according to Duffy, Blanc nonetheless later said that “Irish politics were in the hands of the priests, and with the priests the party of the Revolution would transact no business” (569). O’Neill Daunt later recalled Rollin raising with O’Connell the possibility of a French intervention in Ireland to secure Repeal, which was courteously refused. W. J. O'Neill Daunt diary, 10 September 1859, MS 3041, National Library of Ireland, Dublin (hereafter NLI).

²⁹ Mitchell, Leslie, “Britain's Reaction to the Revolution,” in The Revolution in Europe, 1848–1849: From Reform to Reaction, ed. Evans, R. J. W. and von Strandmann, Harmut Pogge (Oxford, 2000), 94.Google Scholar

³⁰ Nation, 1 July 1848.

³¹ Nation, 1 September 1848.

³² Ibid.

³³ Roger Price, “‘The Holy Struggle against Anarchy’: The Development of Counter-Revolution in 1848,” in Dowe et al., Europe in 1848, 41–42; Nation, 29 December 1849.

³⁴ Koebner, Richard and Schmidt, Helmut Dan, Imperialism: The Story and Significance of a Political Word, 1840–1960 (Cambridge, 1964), 11.Google Scholar

³⁵ Nation, 24 November 1849, 6 December 1851, 13 December 1851, 6 December 1851; cf. Marx's famous denunciation of the coup in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852).

³⁶ Weekly Freeman, 13 December 1851.

³⁷ Nation, 13 December 1851.

³⁸ Nation, 21 February 1852.

³⁹ Nation, 1 May 1852.

⁴⁰ Even the Fenians, the content of whose newspaper, the Irish People, carried distinct Mazzinian overtones, particularly in its famous crusade against the involvement of priests in politics, did not identify with the Italian.

⁴¹ Colin Barr, “Giuseppe Mazzini and Irish Nationalism, 1845–70,” in Bayly and Biagini, Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism, 125–44.

⁴² Nation, 1 May 1852.

⁴³ Nation, 2 July 1853.

⁴⁴ Zeldin, Theodore, A History of French Passions, 1848–1945, vol. 2, Politics and Anger, Oxford History of Modern Europe (1973; Oxford, 1979), 145.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Parry, “The Impact of Napoleon III,” 152.

⁴⁶ Nation, 29 January 1853, 2 July 1853.

⁴⁷ Nation, 2 July 1853; emphasis added.

⁴⁸ See Matthew Kelly, “Irish Nationalism and the British Empire in the 1850s and 1860s,” Past and Present, no. 204 (August 2009): 127–54.

⁴⁹ Nation, 2 July 1853.

⁵⁰ Nation, 16 July 1853.

⁵¹ Nation, 6 August 1853.

⁵² Irishman, 22 December 1866.

⁵³ Kelly, “Irish Nationalism and the British Empire.”

⁵⁴ Nation, 2 July 1853.

⁵⁵ Mazzini was compared to “Mahomet” when caught expressing support for Russia; see Nation, 10 December 1853.

⁵⁶ Nation, 25 March 1853.

⁵⁷ Nation, 28 April 1855; John Martin to George C. Mahon, 26 December 1855, Martin Papers, MS 22,190, NLI.

⁵⁸ Battersby, W. J., Les Napoleons; or, the Present and Future Glories of France (Dublin, 1857), vii, 44Google Scholar; for the section on Eugénie, see 23–30.

⁵⁹ Weekly Freeman, 16 July 1859.

⁶⁰ Weekly Freeman, 8 October 1859.

⁶¹ Weekly Freeman, 15 October 1859.

⁶² Louis-Napoleon's later proposals, aimed at preventing Austrian dominance of the federation, were celebrated by the Weekly Freeman; see the issue of 5 November 1859.

⁶³ Soldani, “Approaching Europe,” 76.

⁶⁴ Nation, 15 October 1859, 5 November 1859, 10 December 1859, 21 April 1860; cf. the cool appraisal in Weekly Freeman, 23 July 1859, and 30 July 1859.

⁶⁵ Viaene, Belgium and the Holy See, 303.

⁶⁶ W. J. O’Neill Daunt diary, 31 December 1859, MS 3041, NLI. For Mitchel's views, see Irishman, 26 January 1861, 30 August 1862, and 1 November 1862.

⁶⁷ Nation, 24 December 1859.

⁶⁸ Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment, and Reform, 222–33, esp. 224.

⁶⁹ Despairing of what he perceived to be Irish nationalism's malaise, Charles Gavan Duffy left the Nation in 1854 for a glittering political career in Australia.

⁷⁰ Irishman, 9 July 1859.

⁷¹ Irishman, 10 December 1859. See also Irishman, 19 November 1859: “England and the devil are leagued against the Pope. … [English] Sympathy for Italian liberty is the cuckoo cry with which the arch-enemy of Catholic Europe seeks to deceive the unwary.”

⁷² Irishman, 15 September 1860, 22 September 1860.

⁷³ Sperber, Jonathan, Popular Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Princeton, NJ, 1984), 153Google Scholar; O’Brien, “Irish Public Opinion and the Risorgimento,” 298–300.

⁷⁴ Compare O’Brien, “Irish Public Opinion and the Risorgimento,” 292–93.

⁷⁵ See Barr, “Guiseppe Mazzini and Irish Nationalism,” 125–44.

⁷⁶ Irishman, 19 March 1862, 24 September 1864.

⁷⁷ Irishman, 27 October 1860.

⁷⁸ Ibid.

⁷⁹ Irishman, 10 November 1860.

⁸⁰ Weekly Freeman, 19 November 1859.

⁸¹ Weekly Freeman, 26 November 1859. See Matthew Kelly, “Providence, Revolution and the Conditional Defence of the Union: Paul Cullen and the Fenians,” in Cardinal Paul Cullen and His World, ed. Dáire Keogh (Dublin: Four Courts Press, forthcoming).

⁸² O’Brien, William Smith, Correspondence between John Martin and William Smith O’Brien relating to a French invasion (Dublin, 1861), 4, 8, 10–11, 19–20.Google Scholar

⁸³ Irish People, 19 November 1864; Kelly, Matthew, “The Irish People and the Disciplining of Dissent,” in The Black Hand of Republicanism: Fenianism in Modern Ireland, ed. McGarry, Fearghal and McConnel, James (Dublin, 2008), 42–43Google Scholar; Roland Sarti, “Giuseppe Mazzini and Young Europe,” in Bayly and Biagini, Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism, 286.

⁸⁴ P. J. Smyth to William Smith O’Brien, 21 December 1860, O’Brien Papers, MS 447, NLI.

⁸⁵ For the general background, see Comerford, R. V., “Conspiring Brotherhoods and Contending Elites, 1857–63,” in Ireland under the Union, 1801–1870, vol. 5 of A New History of Ireland, ed. Vaughan, W. E. (Oxford, 1989), 423–29.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ This theme was sounded repeatedly in numerous editorials in the Nation and the Irishman from 1863 onward.

⁸⁷ Taylor, A. J. P., The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, 1848–1918 (Oxford, 1954), 135–41.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ This account is based on reports and editorial comment in Irishman, 23 July 1870; and Nation, 23 July 1870.

⁸⁹ Nation, 23 July 1870; the bracketed interpolation appears in the original.

⁹⁰ Ibid.

⁹¹ Irishman, 30 July 1870.

⁹² Ibid.; Irish Times, 25 July 1870, 26 July 1870.

⁹³ “Facsimiles and typed copies of a letter of George Livio, French Consul in Dublin, to the French Foreign Minister concerning Irish sympathy for France in the war with Prussia, August 22, 1870, and of an address expressing the sympathy of the people of Galway,” MS 16,592, NLI.

⁹⁴ Ibid.

⁹⁵ W. J. O’Neill Daunt Journals, 12 August 1870, MS 3041, NLI.

⁹⁶ W. J. O’Neill Daunt Journals, 7 September 1870, MS 3041, NLI; see also the entry for 24 September 1870.

⁹⁷ Irishman, 30 July 1870.

⁹⁸ Irishman, 23 July 1870.

⁹⁹ Nation, 9 July 1870.

¹⁰⁰ Nation, 16 July 1870.

¹⁰¹ Ibid.

¹⁰² Nation, 23 July 1870.

¹⁰³ Nation, 10 September 1870.

¹⁰⁴ Nation, 13 August 1870.

¹⁰⁵ Nation, 20 August 1870.

¹⁰⁶ Nation, 24 December 1870.

¹⁰⁷ Peatling, “Saxon and Celt on the Rhine?” 116–17.

¹⁰⁸ Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment, and Reform, 45–46.

¹⁰⁹ The debate can be followed in Curtis, L. P., Apes and Angels: The Irishman in Victorian Caricature, rev. ed. (1971; Washington, DC, 1997)Google Scholar; Gilley, Sheridan, “English Attitudes to the Irish in England, 1780–1900,” in Immigrants and Minorities in British Society, ed. Holmes, C. (London, 1978), 81–110Google Scholar; Foster, R. F., “Paddy and Mr. Punch,” in Paddy and Mr. Punch: Connections in Irish and English History (London, 1992), 171–94Google Scholar; and Nie, Michael de, The Eternal Paddy: Irish Identity and the British Press, 1798–1882 (Madison, WI, 2004)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Catherine Kovesi Killerby demonstrates, suggestively, that Irish Catholic missionaries in Western Australia did not subscribe to notions of white, biological, or ethical superiority but did consider themselves culturally superior to the indigenous population; see “‘Never Locked Up or Tied’: Early Irish Missionary Attitudes to the Aboriginal People of Western Australia,” in Ireland and Australia, 1798–1998: Studies in Culture, Identity and Migration, ed. Bull, Philip, Devlin-Glass, Frances, and Doyle, Helen (Sydney, 2000), 124–33, esp. 131.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ For the racial ideas of later separatists, see Kelly, Matthew, The Fenian Ideal and Irish Nationalism, 1882-1916 (Woodbridge, UK, and Rochester, NY, 2006), 121–23.Google ScholarIreland's, Young “overt Saxon-bashing” is noted by Julie Dugger in “Black Ireland's Race: Thomas Carlyle and the Young Ireland Movement,” Victorian Studies 48, no. 3 (Spring 2006): 461–85, esp. 469.Google Scholar

¹¹² Biagini's, Compare Eugenio F. review article “Liberalism and Nationalism in Ireland, 1798–1922,” Historical Journal 51, no. 3 (September 2008): 793–809,CrossRefGoogle Scholar in which the theme is civic voluntarism and ethnic “supremicism.”

¹¹³ Nation, 20 August 1870.

¹¹⁴ Ibid.

¹¹⁵ On the importance of similar discourses during the Ulster Crisis of 1912–14, see Kelly, The Fenian Ideal, 219–20; and Kelly, Matthew, “The Irish Volunteers: A Machiavellian Moment?” in The Ulster Crisis, 1885–1921, ed. Boyce, D. George and O’Day, Alan (London, 2005), 64–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹⁶ Irishman, 10 September 1870.

¹¹⁷ Irishman, 1 October 1870.

¹¹⁸ Irishman, 13 August 1870.

¹¹⁹ Harrison, Royden, ed., The English Defence of the Commune (London, 1971), 183–85Google Scholar, 246, 248; this is a collection of primary sources.

¹²⁰ Irishman, 12 November 1870.

¹²¹ See, e.g., Weekly Freeman, 3 June 1871: “In the name of France a deed was perpetrated which surrounds the Commune with an infamy that stands unparalleled in any civilised country.”

¹²² This twists and turns of this episode, many of which—inevitably—were financial, can be followed in the P. J. Smyth Papers, MS 22,538, NLI. See also McConnel, James and Catháin, Máirtin O, “Fenians in the French Foreign Legion,” History Ireland 16, no. 6 (December 2008): 46–49.Google Scholar

¹²³ Smyth, P. J., France and European Neutrality: A Lecture Delivered in the City Hall, Waterford, 2nd ed. (Dublin, 1871)Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Duquet, Alfred, Ireland and France, trans. Smyth, J. De L. (Dublin, 1916), 63–73.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Nation, 17 August 1871.

¹²⁶ Comerford, “Anglo-French Tension,” 169–71.

¹²⁷ Nation, 18 January 1873.

¹²⁸ In 1873, “the chief” was most associated with the dictatorial Fenian leader James Stephens; within a decade it became indelibly attached to the imperious Parnell.

¹²⁹ Irishman, 18 January 1873.

¹³⁰ Townend, Paul, “Between Two Worlds: Irish Nationalists and Imperial Crisis, 1878–1880,” Past and Present 194, no. 1 (February 2007): 139–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³¹ McCracken, Donal P., Forgotten Protest: Ireland and the Anglo-Boer War (Belfast, 2002)Google Scholar.

¹³² Novick, Ben, Conceiving Revolution: Irish Nationalist Propaganda during the First World War (Dublin, 2001), 120–31Google Scholar; Kelly, The Fenian Ideal, 243.

¹³³ Casement, quoted in Kelly, The Fenian Ideal, 243.