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2. Barlow, Frank, The Feudal Kingdom of England (London, 1955), p. 437 .Google Scholar But Professor Barlow qualifies his remark immediately. Cf. ibid., p. 440. See also Bloch, Marc, La Société féodale (2nd ed.; Paris, 1949), II, 227 Google Scholar: “L'État anglo-normand … dut à cette origine une structure beaucoup plus régulière que celle des principautés édifiées par pièces et morceaux ou des monarchies chargées d'une longue et parfois confuse tradition.” Ibid., p. 229: “Féodal, cependant, nul État, à certains égards, ne le fut plus parfaitement.”

3. On this question see Stephenson, Carl, “The Origin and Significance of Feudalism,” A.H.R., XLVI (1941), 788–812 Google Scholar and the authorities cited therein.

4. See Coulborn, Rushton (ed.), Feudalism in History (Princeton, 1956)Google Scholar; Boutruche, Robert, Seigneurie et féodalité (Paris, 1959), pp. 217-34, 250–91.Google Scholar

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7. Ibid., II, 244. It is evident however that feudalism was later to prove compatible with strong monarchy. Ibid., II, 250; Olivier-Martin, F., “Les Liens de vassalité dans la France médiévale,” in Société Jean Bodin, I, Les Liens de vassalité et les immunités (Brussels, 1936), p. 79 .Google Scholar

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9. Bloch, , Société féodale, II, 246 Google Scholar; Brunner, Heinrich, Forschungen zur Geschichte des deutschen und franzosischen Rechtes (Stuttgart, 1894), pp. 39ff.Google Scholar

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14. Stubbs, W. (ed.), Select Charters (9th ed.; rev. Davis, H. W. C., Oxford, 1913), p. 183 Google Scholar, clauses 1 and 2. It is possible, of course, that holders of knights' fees were expected to have equipment above and beyond that listed in the Assize—horses, for example, are not mentioned at all—but from the Assize itself we are left with the conclusion that military tenants and freemen possessing 16 marks had identical arms (clauses 1 and 2), and that both groups were to answer the royal military summons ad fidem domini regis et regni sui (clause 4). The recruitment system established here seems to short-circuit the feudal hierarchy and to erase the distinction between enfeoffed knights and wealthy laymen. Cf. King John's writ of 1213 ordering his sheriffs to summon all barons, knights, sergeants, and freemen who ought to have arms, whoever they were and under whomever they held, to appear for service in their lords' contingents: Wendover, Roger, Chronica, ed. Coxe, H. O. [English Historical Society] (London, 1841–1844), III, 245 .Google Scholar

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16. See Lyon, Bryce D., From Fief to Indenture (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), pp. 198ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar and passim; Verbruggen, , Krijgskunst, pp. 217–18Google Scholar, and “Le Problème des effectifs et de la tactique à la bataille de Bouvines en 1214,” Revue du Nord, XXXI (1949), 185–86Google Scholar; Kienast, W., Die deutschen Fursten im Dienste der Westmachte (Utrecht, 1924–1931), I, 68–71 Google Scholar, and passim.

17. Knight quotas of tenants-in-chief were reduced sharply in the early thirteenth century. See Sanders, I. J., Feudal Military Service in England (Oxford, 1956), pp. 29–90 Google Scholar, and the authorities cited therein.

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23. Jolliffe, J. E. A., Angevin Kingship (London, 1955).Google Scholar

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25. Ibid., Postan believes that the tendency to commute peasant services which characterized the twelfth century was reversed in the thirteenth. Ibid., and “The Chronology of Labour Services,” Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., fourth series, XX (1937), 169–93.Google Scholar This view is challenged, however, by Kosminsky, E. A., Studies in the Agrarian History of England (Oxford, 1956), pp. 152–96.Google Scholar

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27. Prestwich, J. O., “War and Finance in the Anglo-Norman State,” Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., fifth series, IV (1954), 22ff.Google Scholar Prestwich quotes Stubbs' calculations of the total sum accounted for in the Pipe Roll of 1130, i.e., £66,593, compared with a little over £22,000 in 1156 and £48,781 in 1189 ( Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi [Rolls Series] II, pp. xciv, xcix Google Scholar). This information, Prestwich observes, “cannot be taken as giving an accurate and complete account of the revenues of Henry I, Henry II and Richard I, but it at least indicates the formidable severity of Henry I's financial demands.” On the remarkable prosperity and flourishing money economy of late Anglo-Saxon England see Lewis, Archibald R., The Northern Seas (Princeton, 1958), pp. 325ff.Google Scholar, 424ff. Professor Lewis concludes that the Norman Conquest was followed by a generation of commercial decline ending around 1100 (ibid., pp. 470ff.), and suggests that the Conqueror's “introduction into England of the Continental feudal and manorial systems was more than political. Was it not perhaps the reflection of a certain new economic localism in the land, like that which we have seen in France in the early ninth and tenth centuries, where feudalism also took root?” Ibid., p. 472.

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32. Ibid., LXXV, 584-85.

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37. See Round, , Feudal England, pp. 269–70Google Scholar; Davis, , Regesta Regum, II Google Scholar, Nos. 1276 (of doubtful authenticity), 1401, 1499, 1654; Stenton, Frank Jr., The First Century of English Feudalism, (2nd ed.; Oxford, 1961), pp. 180 Google Scholar note 3, 184-85, and App., No. 37.

38. Davis, , Regesta Regum, II Google Scholar, No. 1473. Scutage in this letter is rendered auxilium militum. A similar phrase, auxilium exercitus, was used later on in Normandy as a synonym for scutage: Powicke, , Loss of Normandy, pp. 216–19.Google Scholar

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42. There may be added to the evidence adduced above the existence during Henry I's reign of feudal holdings amounting to only small fractions of a knight's fee, most of which must have commuted their service: Stenton, F. M. (ed.), Danelaw Charters (London, 1920)Google Scholar, No. 507; Loyd, L. C. and Stenton, D. M. (eds.), Sir Christopher Hatton's Book of Seals, (Oxford, 1950)Google Scholar, No. 528, A.D. C. 1125, 1/3 knight's fee renders service by paying 20s. a year); Stenton, English Feudalism, App., Nos. 38 (1/16), 39 (1/20). The foundation charter of Revesby Abbey (A.D. 1142), in Stenton, F. M. (ed.), Facsimilies of Early Charters from Northamptonshire Collections [Northamptonshire Record Society] (Lincoln and London, 1930), pp. 2–3 Google Scholar, mentions a fee of ½ knight, two of ¼, and one of 1/32.

43. Evidence from the Pipe Roll of 1130 (pp. 44, 47) proves that the crown was assessing its tenants-in-chiefs on any surplus enfeoffments that they may have made over and above their established quotas. The implication of this fact is that the tenants-in-chief were in the habit of passing scutage assessments down to their own tenants, probably at the same rate per fee as the royal assessment; cf. de Brakelond, Jocelin, Chronica, ed. Rokewode, J. G. [Camden Society] (London, 1840), p. 49 Google Scholar: “Superatis ergo omnibus militibus, ex tali victoria tale lucrum poterit abbati, nisi abbas voluerit aliquibus parcere; quociens xx solidi ponentur super scutum, remanebunt abbati xij libre, et si plus vel minus ponatur, plus vel minus ei remanebit secundum debitam porcionem.” The fractional fees (see note 42) bear the same implication, i.e., that their holders paid scutage to their lords. Evidence for baronial scutage is fuller in Stephen's reign; see Stenton, , English Feudalism, pp. 183 ff.Google Scholar; Warner, G. F. and Ellis, H. J. (eds.), Facsimilies of Royal and other Charters in the British Museum (London, 1903), I Google Scholar, No. 17; a private charter from early in Henry II's reign (Danelaw Charters, No. 245) frees an estate of Newhouse Abbey a scutagio exercitu equitatu tam regis quam comitis…

44. Richardson, Helen, “A Twelfth-Century Anglo-Norman Charter,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, XXIV (1940), 168–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for evidence from a later period, see Neilson, N., Customary Rents [Oxford Studies] (Oxford, 1910), p. 87 Google Scholar, note 7.

45. See above, note 43. The Dialogus de Scaccario, p. 40, attests that in the early Norman period sources other than scutage were also exploited to obtain money for knights' wages.

46. Facsimilies of Royal Charters, No. 17, dated 1138-48, perhaps 1138-40. See Round, J. H., Studies on the Red Book of the Exchequer (London, 1898), p. 8 Google Scholar; and Stenton, , English Feudalism, pp. 183–84.Google Scholar

47. This is Stenton's translation, ibid., p. 184.

48. Hunter, , Pipe Roll 31 Henry I, p. 49 .Google Scholar

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50. Ibid., p. 273; cf. Chew, H. M., The English Ecclesiastical Tenants-in-Chief and Knight Service (Oxford, 1932), p. 38 .Google Scholar For the details of Henry II's first scutage see Hunter, Joseph (ed.) Pipe Roll 2 Henry II [Record Commission] (London, 1844).Google Scholar Miss Chew mistakenly dates this roll 1165 (rede, 1156).

51. Domesday Book, I, 64b, 154, 238; Hollister, , “Significance of Scutage Rates,” E.H.R., LXXV (1960), 584–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

52. Stubbs, William, Constitutional History (6th ed.; Oxford, 1897), I, 470 .Google Scholar

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54. For example, Sanders, , Feudal Military Service, p. 51 Google Scholar; Verbruggen, , Krijgskunst, p. 31 .Google Scholar

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58. For example, William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, ed. Hamilton, N. E. S. A. [Rolls Series] (London, 1870), p. 281 Google Scholar; Douglas, D. C. (ed.), Feudal Documents from the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds, [British Academy Records] (London, 1932), p. cvi Google Scholar; Robinson, J. A., Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster (Cambridge, 1911), p. 41 Google Scholar; Stewart, D. J. (ed.), Liber Eliensis (London, 1848), p. 275 Google Scholar; Simeon of Durham, Historia Dunelmensis Ecclesiae, in Opera Omnia [Rolls Series] (London, 1882–1885), I, 116 .Google Scholar See Prestwich, , “War and Finance,” Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., fifth series, IV (1954)Google Scholar; Stenton, , English Feudalism, pp. 140 ff.Google Scholar; and, on the general subject, Verbruggen, , Krijgskunst, pp. 142 ff.Google Scholar

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60. Gaimar, Geoffrey, Lestorie des Engles, ed. Hardy, T.D. and Martin, C. T. [Rolls Series] (London, 1888–1889), I, 267 Google Scholar; II, 198.

61. William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum, II, 379 .Google Scholar

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66. William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum, II, 478 .Google Scholar

67. Ibid., II, 478-79.

68. Davis, , Regesta Regum, I Google Scholar, No. 360.

69. On the dates of these two treaties, see Hollister, , “Significence of Scutage Rates,” E.H.R., LXXV (1960), 587 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, note 4, and Davis, , Regesta Regum, II Google Scholar, Nos. 515, 941, 948.

70. Vercauteren, F. (ed.), Actes des comtes de Flandre, 1071-1128 (Brussels, 1938)Google Scholar, No. 30; Lyon, , From Fief to Indenture, p. 34 Google Scholar, and the bibliographical discussion in ibid., note 85.

71. Vercauteren, Actes des comtes de Flandre, No. 41; Lyon, , From Fief to Indenture, pp. 34-35, and p. 35 Google Scholar, note 86. There is no direct evidence of additional money fiefs with Flanders until 1163, ibid., p. 36, but we do encounter a reference to a money fief between Henry I and Count Baldwin IV of Hainaut which was probably executed in 1127-28. Ibid., p. 35; Kienast, , Deutschen Fursten, I, 59–60 .Google Scholar

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73. Bloch, , Société féodale, I, 95–115 Google Scholar, and passim.

74. Ganshof, F. L., Feudalism, tr. Grierson, Philip (London, etc., 1952), p. 151 .Google Scholar M. Ganshof's quotation is from Olivier-Martin, , “Les Liens de vassalité dans la France médiévale,” p. 79 .Google Scholar See also Mitteis, , Lehnrecht und Staatsgewalt, pp. 4–5 .Google Scholar

75. See, for example, Fawtier, Robert, The Capetian Kings of France, tr. Butler, Lionel (London, 1960).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76. Jolliffe, Angevin Kingship, passim.

77. Bloch, , Société féodale, II, 249–50.Google Scholar

78. It is widely assumed that England was not a feudal state until after 1066. The development of German feudalism occurred during the chaotic half-century following the opening of the investiture controversy in 1075: Barraclough, Geoffrey, The Origins of Modern Germany (2nd ed.; Oxford, 1947), pp. 136 ff.Google Scholar Nor did the Kingdom of Sicily arise out of a feudal past. At the comital level, however, strong feudal states existed in Normandy, Anjou, and elsewhere.

79. For example, Barlow, , Feudal Kingdom of England, p. 440 .Google Scholar

80. Johnson, , Dialogus de Scaccario, p. 53 .Google Scholar

81. Vitalis, Ordericus, Historia Ecclesiastica, II, 180 .Google Scholar

82. Ibid., IV, 174.

83. Ibid.

84. William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum, II, 471–72Google Scholar; Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, II, 48–49 .Google Scholar

85. Ibid., II, 21-22.

86. SirStenton, Frank, Anglo-Saxon England (2nd ed.; Oxford, 1947), pp. 616 ff.Google Scholar

87. See Douglas, Feudal Documents, No. 1.

88. Stenton, , Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 616–17.Google Scholar

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90. Ibid., p. 618.

91. William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum, II, 312 .Google Scholar

92. Paris, Matthew, Historia Anglorum, ed. Madden, F. [Rolls Series] (London, 1866–1869), I, 13 .Google Scholar

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96. The power of the earls, however, had been radically reduced by the coronation of Harold Godwinson, the greatest of them, in January, 1066. This event is somewhat analogous to the neutralization of Saxon opposition to the German monarchy by the election of Henry the Fowler, Duke of Saxony, as German king in 919.

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109. Barons who play an important role in a battle will usually be mentioned in chronicles. They also appear among the witnesses to royal charters issued around the time and place of a military engagement. William of Braose issued a charter in 1073 “when he crossed the sea and went to Maine in the army with William, king of the English,” Davis, , Regesta Regum, I Google Scholar, No. 71.

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117. This may be inferred from the fact that the charter goes into considerable detail on the subject of the three or four knights serving at their own expense, i.e., in return for their fees, but says nothing on this matter in connection with the single knight. The inference is strengthened by the reference to the knight as being required by the Abbot ut suum proprium militum.

118. de Diceto, Ralph, Opera Historica, ed. Stubbs, William [Rolls Series] (London, 1876), II, lxxix–lxxx Google Scholar: letter of Richard I to the Archbishop of Canterbury, April 15, 1196.

119. “… quod ita serviant nobis in militibus quod eos inde laudare et gratias agere debeamus.” See Powicke, , Loss of Normandy, pp. 212–13.Google Scholar

120. de Brakelond, Jocelin, Chronica, p. 63 .Google Scholar After considerable royal persuasion, the Abbot submitted to the extent of sending four mercenaries. See Round, , Feudal England, pp. 531 ff.Google Scholar The servicium debitum of Bury was forty knights, of which the King demanded one tenth. Somewhat analagous arrangements are recorded for 1157, 1191, and 1205 (ibid.), and in 1197, perhaps in connection with the very summons to which Abbot Samson objected, St. Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln, refused to send his knights to the Continent on the grounds that it was contrary to custom. Ibid., pp. 528 ff.; Stubbs, , Select Charters, pp. 248–49.Google Scholar See also Powicke, , Loss of Normandy, pp. 213 ff.Google Scholar

121. Galbraith, V. H., “The Making of Domesday Book,” E.H.R., LVII (1942), 177 .CrossRefGoogle Scholar

122. Barlow, , Feudal Kingdom of England, p. 440 .Google Scholar Barlow adds that in 1087 the Norman barons and knights were still living precariously in a conquered land and therefore, presumably, feudalism was still vigorous at that time. We have seen however, that the conquered land hypothesis is to be viewed with skepticism.

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