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³ Charles Dickens was not exaggerating when he described the reach of Victorian charity as “unexampled in the history of the earth.” See his 1842 work, American Notes (London, 1985), p. 25Google Scholar. The literature on voluntary effort in modern Britain is vast, but see especially Prochaska, F. K., “Philanthropy,” in The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1750–1950, ed. Thompson, F. M. L., 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1990), 3:357–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Finlayson, Geoffrey, Citizen, State, and Social Welfare in Britain, 1830–1990 (Oxford, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ The sociological concept of “moral panic” will be discussed below.

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⁶ For the argument that there exists no verifiable proof of the reality of “ritual” (as opposed to “survival”) cannibalism, see Arens, W., The Man-Eating Myth: Anthropology and Anthropophagy (New York, 1979)Google Scholar. Arens held that the evidence for cannibalism often rests on a recirculation of the same stories, which ultimately gain an aura of authenticity through repetition. But Arens was far more interested in exposing ethnographic rumors than in exploring their meaning. Luise White has recently observed that rumor and gossip “allocate responsibility” and, in so doing, help delineate community concerns. White, , Speaking with Vampires: Rumor and History in Colonial Africa (Berkeley, 2000), p. 62Google Scholar.

⁷ Turner, James, Reckoning with the Beast: Animals, Pain, and Humanity in the Victorian Mind (Baltimore, 1980), pp. 118–19Google Scholar.

⁸ Darnton, Robert, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York, 1985), p. 78Google Scholar.

⁹ Invocations of “the liminal” often do no more than gesture at indeterminacy. Almost a century ago, the ethnologist Arnold van Gennep used “liminal” to denote a transition rite during which the ritual subject becomes temporarily unclassifiable, passing through a symbolic domain where normal rules and roles are suspended. See van Gennep, , The Rites of Passage (1908; London, 1960)Google Scholar. During the late 1960s and 1970s, Victor Turner, an American anthropologist, greatly enlarged van Gennep's notion to refer to “any condition outside or on the peripheries of everyday life.” See Turner, , Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca, N.Y., 1974), p. 47Google Scholar. For a lucid historical reflection on Turner, see Bynum, Caroline Walker, “Women's Stories, Women's Symbols: A Critique of Victor Turner's Theory of Liminality,” in her Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York, 1991), pp. 27–51Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Alison Winter makes this point convincingly with respect to the fleeting—but pervasive—appeal of mesmerism. See her Mesmerized: Powers of Mind in Victorian Britain (Chicago, 1998), pp. 32–33, 100, 345–46Google Scholar. For a discussion of the multiple meanings of “trance” in nineteenth-century American society, see Taves, Ann, Fits, Trances, and Visions: Experiencing Religion and Explaining Experience from Wesley to James (Princeton, N.J., 1999), pp. 178–79Google Scholar.

¹¹ The Times (10 December 1836, 5 July 1838, 26 January 1846, 21 March 1846, 16 April 1846, 9 November 1871, and 7 October 1890); Daily Chronicle (24 November 1892); Wilkins, Charles, Buried Alive! A Narrative of Suffering and Heroism, Being the Tale of the Rhondda Colliers (London, [1897])Google Scholar.

¹² Medical Press and Circular (22 September 1897), p. 286.

¹³ Tidy, Charles M., Legal Medicine, 2 vols. (New York, 1882), 1:25Google Scholar. Professional closure, by which access to the marketplace can be limited to certain “qualified” medical practitioners, was never achieved in nineteenth-century Britain. The best account of this uneven process remains Peterson's, M. JeanneThe Medical Profession in Mid-Victorian London (Berkeley, 1978)Google Scholar. On the legitimation of British allopathy through science, see Weatherall, Mark W., “Making Medicine Scientific: Empiricism, Rationality, and Quackery in mid-Victorian Britain,” Social History of Medicine 9 (August 1996): 175–94CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; and, more broadly, Bynum, W. F., Science and the Practice of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ [James, Thomas], “Cemeteries and Churchyards; Funerals and Funeral Expenses,” Quarterly Review 73 (March 1844): 457Google Scholar; Burdett, H. C., The Necessity and Importance of Mortuaries for Towns and Villages (London, 1880), pp. 1–3Google Scholar. The dean of sanitary reformers, Edwin Chadwick, complained in his famous Supplementary Report that the urban poor delayed burying their dead both to postpone the ruinous expense of funerals and to avoid “interment before life is extinct.” Chadwick, A Supplementary Report on the Results of a Special Inquiry into the Practice of Interment in Towns, Parliamentary Papers, (PP), 1843, vol. 12, pp. 84–89. Why the English poor shunned burial “on the parish” is explored in Laqueur, Thomas, “Bodies, Death, and Pauper Funerals,” Representations 1 (February 1983): 109–31CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

¹⁵ Bondeson, Jan, Buried Alive: The Terrifying History of Our Most Primal Fear (New York, 2001), pp. 88–114, 161Google Scholar; Pernick, Martin, “Back from the Grave: Recurring Controversies over Defining and Diagnosing Death in History,” in Death: Beyond Whole-Brain Criteria, ed. Zaner, Richard M. (Dordrecht, 1988), pp. 31–35Google Scholar; Litten, Julian, The English Way of Death: The Common Funeral since 1450 (London, 1991), p. 166Google Scholar. Bondeson and Pernick have written the major studies of premature burial, both broad surveys. Where Bondeson's book, and its apt subtitle, is a showcase for the macabre, Pernick's essay is a judicious account of the determination of death across time and place.

¹⁶ But see Encyclopaedia Londinensis; or Universal Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Literature (London, 1816–26)Google Scholar, s.v. “mausoleum (public)”; and Brandon, Robert, “On the Construction of Houses for the Reception of the Dead to Be Used for the Recovery of Those Who Are Only in Trances,” Medical Times 16 (1847): 574Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Mack, Phyllis, Visionary Women: Ecstatic Prophecy in Seventeenth-Century England (Berkeley, 1992), pp. 150–53Google Scholar; Valenze, Deborah, Prophetic Sons and Daughters: Female Preaching and Popular Religion in Industrial England (Princeton, N.J., 1985), pp. 74, 77, 109Google Scholar; Hopkins, James K., A Woman to Deliver Her People: Joanna Southcott and English Millenarianism in an Era of Revolution (Austin, Tex., 1982), pp. xiv–xviii, 20–21Google Scholar.

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¹⁹ The Yorkshire Wonder: Being a Very True and Strange Revelation How One Mr. Henry Watt Made a Great Noise in the Coffin… (London, 1698)Google Scholar; The Surrey Wonder: Giving a True and Strange Relation of Mr. Henry Watts ([London?], [1770?])Google Scholar; The Surprising Wonder of Doctor Watts (London, [1800?])Google Scholar.

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²¹ McManners, John, Death and the Enlightenment (Oxford, 1981), pp. 46–49Google Scholar. Philippe Ariès proposed a variation on this theme, arguing that around 1740 French doctors “seized” on the issue of premature burial as a way to distinguish themselves from their “superstitious” medical predecessors. See Ariès, , The Hour of Our Death (New York, 1981), pp. 396–405Google Scholar.

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⁴¹ The Foucauldian inspiration for many of the recent medicalization models is clear. Powerful challenges to Foucault's notion of discipline include Ignatieff, Michael, “State, Civil Society and Total Institutions: A Critique of Recent Social Histories of Punishment,” in Social Control and the State, ed. Cohen, Stanley and Scull, Andrew (New York, 1983), pp. 75–105Google Scholar; and Garland, David, “Foucault's Discipline and Punish: An Exposition and Critique,” American Bar Foundation Research Journal 4 (Fall 1986): 847–80Google Scholar.

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⁵² Pernick, “Back from the Grave,” p. 37.

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⁶¹ Poe, “The Premature Burial,” pp. 391–92; The Times (6 May 1850).

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⁷⁰ Patents for Inventions: Abridgments of Specifications, Class 81: Medicine, Surgery, and Dentistry (London, 1905)Google Scholar. A Russian inventor, Count Michel de KarniceKarnicki, built the late nineteenth century's most intricate safety coffin. Patented in Britain in 1896 (patent numbers 3,223 and 13,590), “Le Karnice” had an unfortunate design flaw: its pressure-disk sensor, placed on the chest, would have been unable to distinguish between the faint stirrings of life and those of putrefactive gas.

⁷¹ Ruth Richardson, Death, Dissection, pp. 263–81; The Times (4 May 1842, and 5, 7, 9, and 10 June 1862).

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⁷⁴ “Grime,” “Statistics of Premature Interments,” Notes and Queries 2, 3d ser. (9 August 1862): 110.

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⁷⁸ The term “moral panic” first appeared in Young's, Jock “The Role of the Police as Amplifiers of Deviancy,” in Images of Deviance, ed. Cohen, Stanley (Harmondsworth, 1971), p. 37Google Scholar; however, it was Cohen's, Stanley own Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers (London, 1972)Google Scholar that served to popularize it. Cohen was indebted to U.S. studies of how public concern with social “problems” was generated, how “symbolic crusades” were mounted, and how “crime waves” were discerned. See, esp., Becker, Howard S., Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York, 1963)Google Scholar; Gusfield, Joseph, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana, Ill., 1963)Google Scholar; and Erikson, Kai T., Wayward Puritans: A Study in the Sociology of Deviance (New York, 1966)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Jenkins, Philip, Moral Panic: Changing Concepts of the Child Molester in Modern America (New Haven, Conn., 1998)Google Scholar; Tan, Michael L., “AIDS, Medicine, and Moral Panic in the Philippines,” in Framing the Sexual Subject: The Politics of Gender, Sexuality, and Power, ed. Parker, Richard, Barbosa, Regina Maria, and Aggleton, Peter (Berkeley, 2000), pp. 143–64Google Scholar; Welch, Michael, Flag Burning: Moral Panic and the Criminalization of Protest (New York, 2000)Google Scholar; Behlmer, George K., Friends of the Family: The English Home and Its Guardians, 1850–1940 (Stanford, Calif., 1998), pp. 1, 232–33, 317–24Google Scholar; Springhall, John, Youth, Popular Culture and Moral Panics: Penny Gaffs to Gangsta-Rap, 1830–1996 (Basingstoke, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thompson, Kenneth, Moral Panics (London, 1998), chap. 8Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ I am not proposing here that historians contort their analyses of cultural fear to fit fixed sociological categories. Rather, I wish to emphasize the potential rewards of thinking about “panics”—moral or other—in the context of unstable boundaries. See, e.g., Wahrman, Dror, “Percy's Prologue: From Gender Play to Gender Panic in Eighteenth-Century England,” Past and Present, no. 159 (1998): 113–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸² Cohen, , Folk Devils, pp. 192–93Google Scholar; Goode, and Ben-Yehuda, , Moral Panics, pp. 29–30, 51–52Google Scholar. Compare Kristeva's, Julia notion of “the abject” in her Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection (New York, 1982)Google Scholar.

⁸³ Cohen, , Folk Devils, pp. 166–72Google Scholar; Hall, Stuart, Critcher, Chas, Jefferson, Tony, Clarke, John, and Roberts, BrianPolicing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, and Law and Order (London, 1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁴ Tourdes, G., Dictionnaire encyclopédique des sciences médicales 9, 2d ser. (Paris, 1868–69)Google Scholar, s.v. “mort (médecine légale).”

⁸⁵ Burney, “A Poisoning,” pp. 67–70; McCandless, Peter, “Liberty and Lunacy: The Victorians and Wrongful Confinement,” Journal of Social History 11 (Spring 1978): 366–67CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Davis, Jennifer, “The London Garotting Panic of 1862: A Moral Panic and the Creation of a Criminal Class in Mid-Victorian England,” in Crime and the Law: The Social History of Crime in Western Europe since 1500, ed. Gatrell, V. A. C., Lenmen, Bruce, and Parker, Geoffrey (London, 1980), pp. 190–92, 198–203Google Scholar; Sindall, Rob, Street Violence in the Nineteenth Century: Media Panic or Real Danger? (Leicester, 1990), pp. 50–53, 81–82, 129Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ B.M.J. (13 July 1889), pp. 83–84; Hospital (4 October 1890), p. 14. On the “burial club” controversy, see my Child Abuse and Moral Reform in England, 1870–1908 (Stanford, Calif., 1982), pp. 119–37Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Hicks, A. Braxton, Hints to Medical Men concerning the Granting of Certificates of Death (London, 1889), pp. 3–4, 13Google Scholar; Child's Guardian (May 1890), p. 57; Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords on the Children's Life Insurance Bill, PP, 1891, vol. 11, questions 134, 137, 142–43, 146–47, 168–69.

⁸⁸ “Aesculapius Scalpel” [Berdoe, Edward], Dying Scientifically: A Key to St. Bernard's (London, 1888), pp. 24–26Google Scholar; First and Second Reports from the Select Committee on Death Certification, PP, 1893–94, vol. 11, questions 377, 581–84, 604, 607, 3940–41, 3943–51.

⁸⁹ First and Second Reports from the Select Committee on Death Certification, questions 1675–76, 2112–15, 2180, 3623–27, app. 18, and Report, pp. xii–xiii.

⁹⁰ English Mechanic and World of Science (27 September 1895), p. 137; Undertakers' and Funeral Directors' Journal (22 January 1895), p. 209; Manchester Courier (24 September 1895).

⁹¹ Daily Chronicle (10 September 1895); B.M.J. (29 February 1896), p. 540; Punch (2 March 1895), p. 99.

⁹² The Times (20 September 1895); Daily Chronicle (13 September 1895).

⁹³ Hartmann, Franz, Buried Alive: An Examination into the Occult Causes of Apparent Death, Trance, and Catalepsy (Boston, 1895)Google Scholar. Hartmann's shilling book was reprinted as Premature Burial (London, 1896).

⁹⁴ English Mechanic and World of Science (20 September 1895), p. 117; “Burying Alive,” Spectator 75 (14 September 1895): 332; Daily Chronicle (16 September 1895); “A Woman in a Trance,” St. James's Gazette 31 (8 October 1895): 6; To-day 8 (21 September 1895): 209; Hospital (21 September 1895), p. 427.

⁹⁵ Lancet (24 August 1895), p. 474; Connor, Edward, How the State May Prevent Premature Burial (London, [1895]), pp. 5–6Google Scholar; Wilder, Alexander, Perils of Premature Burial (London, 1895), pp. 8, 13–14Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Williamson, J. R., “Premature Burial,” Scientific American 74 (9 May 1896): 294Google Scholar; Thompson, Henry, Modern Cremation, 2d ed. (London, 1891), p. 41Google Scholar; “Premature Burial,” Chambers's Journal 1, 6th ser. (December 1897–November 1898): 491.

⁹⁷ Tebb and Vollum, Premature Burial, p. 64.

⁹⁸ B.M.J. (29 February 1896), p. 540; “What Is Death?” Spectator 77 (26 December 1896): 933–34. The Times (30 October 1896) reviewed Tebb and Vollum's book along with another offering from Swan Sonnenschein, an autobiographical account of body-snatching in Regency London. See The Diary of a Resurrectionist, 1811–1812, ed. Bailey, James Blake (London, 1896)Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Tebb and Vollum, Premature Burial, pp. 218–19; Tozer, Basil, “Premature Burial and the Only True Signs of Death,” Nineteenth Century and After 62 (October 1907): 547Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ [Hallam, Arthur], How Burying Alive May Be Prevented (London, 1902), back coverGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963), p. 12Google Scholar. Notable efforts to reassess British medical heterodoxy include Alison Winter's Mesmerized; Cooter, Roger, ed., Studies in the History of Alternative Medicine (New York, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bynum, W. F. and Porter, Roy, eds., Medical Fringe and Medical Orthodoxy, 1750–1850 (London, 1987)Google Scholar. On the U.S. medical fringe, see James C. Whorton, Nature Cures: The History of Alternative Medicine in America (in press).

¹⁰² Brown, P. S., “Social Context and Medical Theory in the Demarcation of Nineteenth-Century Boundaries,” in Bynum, and Porter, , eds., Medical Fringe and Medical Orthodoxy, pp. 228–30Google Scholar; Smith, F. B., The People's Health, 1830–1910 (New York, 1979), p. 166Google Scholar. For “occult body politics” in late-Victorian society, see Dixon, Joy, Divine Feminine: Theosophy and Feminism in England (Baltimore, 2001), chap. 5Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Vaccination Inquirer 39 (1 March 1917): 45; Tebb, and Vollum, , Premature Burial, 2d ed. (London, 1905), pp. 19–20Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Metcalfe, William, Out of the Clouds: Into the Light (Philadelphia, 1872), pp. 249, 153, 182–83Google Scholar; Maintenance Committee, History of the Philadelphia Bible-Christian Church (Philadelphia, 1922), pp. 25–27, 44–45Google Scholar; Vegetarian Messenger 3 (November 1852): 21–22; Hitchin, W. E., Surrey at the Opening of the Twentieth Century (Brighton, 1906), p. 169Google Scholar; Lineham, Peter J., “Restoring Man's Creative Power: The Theosophy of the Bible Christians of Salford,” in The Church and Healing, ed. Shiels, W. J. (Oxford, 1982), p. 213Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Metcalfe, Out of the Clouds, p. 182.

¹⁰⁶ Maintenance Committee, History, pp. 168–69; Vegetarian Messenger 4 (August 1853): 18; Horley Advertiser and County Post (10 February 1917); Vaccination Inquirer 39 (1 March 1917): 47.

¹⁰⁷ Tebb, William, Compulsory Vaccination in England (London, 1884), pp. 5, 12Google Scholar, and The Results of Vaccination (London, 1887), pp. 19–20Google Scholar; Vaccination Inquirer 4 (June 1882): 40.

¹⁰⁸ Tebb, , Government Prosecutions for Medical Heresy: A Verbatim Report of the Case, “Regina versus Tebb” (London, 1879), pp. 3, 5, 9, 18–19, 25–26Google Scholar; Second Report of the Royal Commission on Vaccination, PP, 1890, vol. 39, questions 9457–60.

¹⁰⁹ MacLeod, R. M., “Law, Medicine and Public Opinion: The Resistance to Compulsory Health Legislation, 1870–1907,” part 2, Public Law (Autumn 1967), pp. 189–90, 192, 196–97Google ScholarPubMed; Tebb, Compulsory Vaccination, pp. 5–6; Wallace, Alfred Russel, My Life, 2 vols. (London, 1905), 2:351–52Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Durbach notes that the legal status of conscientious objection was uncertain before passage of the 1907 Vaccination Act. Durbach, , “Class, Gender, and the Conscientious Objector to Vaccination, 1898–1907,” Journal of British Studies 41 (January 2002): 58–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹¹ Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, Seventy-Seventh Annual Report (London, 1900), p. 31Google Scholar; Vigilance Association for the Defence of Personal Rights, Twelfth Annual Report (London, 1883), p. 12Google Scholar. For an analysis of these philanthropic linkages, see Harrison, Brian, “State Intervention and Moral Reform in Nineteenth-Century England,” in Pressure from Without in Early Victorian England, ed. Hollis, Patricia (London, 1974), pp. 289–322Google Scholar.

¹¹² Manchester Courier (24 September 1895).

¹¹³ Tebb and Vollum, Premature Burial, p. 1.

¹¹⁴ List of Officers of the Army of the United States from 1779 to 1900 (1900; reprint, New York, 1967), p. 647Google Scholar; Tebb, and , Vollum, Premature Burial, 2d ed., pp. 16–19Google Scholar; Report of Medical Inspector Edward P. Vollum, 25 July 1863, in The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records, ser. 1, vol. 27, pt. 1 (Washington, D.C., 1902), pp. 25–28Google Scholar. Vollum retired from the U.S. Army in 1891, traveled extensively for the next decade, and died in Munich on 31 May 1902. The colonel's body was cremated, rendering unnecessary the direction that “a bottle of chloroform with a leaky stopple” be placed in his coffin. See Hartmann, Buried Alive, p. 146.

¹¹⁵ Perils of Premature Burial (April–June 1909), p. 37.

¹¹⁶ Burial Reformer (October–December 1905), p. 21, and (January–March 1906), p. 27; Hospital (2 June 1906), p. 170.

¹¹⁷ Glover, David, Vampires, Mummies, and Liberals: Bram Stoker and the Politics of Popular Fiction (Durham, N.C., 1996), p. 71Google Scholar. On the late-Victorian gothic body, see also Malchow, Gothic Images, chap. 3; Hurley, Kelly, The Gothic Body: Sexuality, Materialism, and Degeneration at the Fin de Siècle (Cambridge, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Scandura, Jani, “Deadly Professions: Dracula, Undertakers, and the Embalmed Corpse,” Victorian Studies 40 (Autumn 1996): 1–30Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Tebb's will specified that his body should be cremated, but not “until it exhibits unmistakeable [sic] evidence of decomposition.” Last will of William Tebb, Principal Registry Family Division, London.

¹¹⁹ Seventh Annual Report of the Psycho-Therapeutic Society (London, 1908), p. 2Google Scholar; Hallam, Arthur, The Key to Perfect Health (London, 1912), pp. 15–18, 24–25Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Who Was Who, 1961–1970 (London, 1972), p. 678Google Scholar; Hooker, Stenson and Vollum, E. P., Premature Burial and Its Prevention, 2d ed. (London, 1910), p. 22Google Scholar; Burial Reformer (January–March 1906), p. 30, and (July–September 1906), p. 47.

¹²¹ Who Was Who, 1929–1940 (London, 1941), p. 573Google Scholar; Hadwen, , The Case against Vaccination, 5th ed. (Bristol, 1896), pp. 5–6Google Scholar; Hoply, Emma, Campaigning against Cruelty: The Hundred Year History of the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection (London, 1998), pp. 7, 26–27Google Scholar; Animals Defender and Zoophilist (April 1917), pp. 139–40. It was Hadwen who severed Miss Cobbe's carotid artery, just in case.

¹²² Vegetarian (8 January 1898), pp. 20–21; Burial Reformer (January–March 1906), p. 26.

¹²³ James, J. Brindley, Death and Its Verification (London, 1908), pp. 25–26Google Scholar, and back matter.

¹²⁴ Perils of Premature Burial (April–June 1909), p. 33, (July–September 1912), p. 45, and (October–December 1913), p. 77; John Bull (3 September 1910), p. 346; Law Times 124 (18 January 1908): 262; Second Report of the Departmental Committee on Coroners and Coroners' Inquests, pt. 1, PP, 1910, vol. 21, p. 20.

¹²⁵ Hospital (7 December 1907), p. 252, and (5 March 1910), p. 647.

¹²⁶ In 1936, the remnant of Tebb's LAPPB merged with the Council for the Disposition of the Dead, a group then concerned about registering funeral directors. The Times (5 February 1936).

¹²⁷ Becker, Outsiders, pp. 147–63; Cohen, Folk Devils, p. 127; Goode and Ben-Yehuda, Moral Panics, pp. 79–82.

¹²⁸ Cobbe, Frances Power, “The Scientific Spirit of the Age,” Contemporary Review 54 (July 1888): 136Google Scholar; French, Richard D., Antivivisection and Medical Science in Victorian Society (Princeton, N.J., 1975), pp. 338–42Google Scholar; Turner, , Reckoning with the Beast, pp. 87–88Google Scholar; Walkowitz, , City of Dreadful Delight, pp. 209–10Google Scholar.

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