¹ William Gerrard and Thomas Offley to Cecil, 14 July 1568, The National Archives (TNA): Public Record Office (PRO), State Papers (SP) 12/47/13.

² Ashton, John, A History of English Lotteries (London, 1843), 4–24Google Scholar; and Ewen, C. L’Estrange, Lotteries and Sweepstakes (London, 1932), 34–64Google Scholar; Haynes, Alan, “The First English National Lottery,” History Today 29, no. 9 (September 1979): 610–13Google Scholar; Williams, Penry, “Lotteries and Government Finance in England,” History Today 6, no. 8 (August 1956): 557–61Google Scholar; Woodhall, Robert, “The British State Lotteries,” History Today 14, no. 7 (July 1964): 497–504.Google Scholar

³ The fullest discussion of the new political culture of the 1560s can be found in Alford, Stephen, The Early Elizabethan Polity: William Cecil and the British Succession Crisis, 1558–1569 (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁴ Corrigan, Philip and Sayer, Derek, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar; Braddick, Michael J., “State Formation and the Historiography of Early Modern England,” History Compass 2 (2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi10.1111/j.1478-0542.2004.00074.x.full. Braddick structures his general account of early modern English state formation around four analytical clusters: the “patriarchal state,” the “fiscal-military state,” the “confessional state,” and finally the “dynastic state” (expanding the discussion to Scotland, Ireland, and the Atlantic colonies); Braddick, Michael J., State Formation in Early Modern England, ca. 1550–1700 (Cambridge, 2000).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ Hindle, Steve, The State and Social Change in Early Modern England, 1550–1640 (Houndmills, Basingstoke, and New York, 2002), 36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ The shift is captured nicely in titles and subtitles. In 1972 Elton, Geoffrey offered us Policy and Police: The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell (Cambridge, 1972)Google Scholar; thirty years later Braddick, Michael and Walter, John called an important collection of essays signaling the new approaches Negotiating Power: Order, Hierarchy, and Subordination in Britain and Ireland (Cambridge, 2001).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ Brewer, John, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State (London, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Braddick, State Formation.

⁸ See his memoranda, TNA: PRO, SP 12/44/64 and 12/47/36.

⁹ Wernham, R. B., Before the Armada: The Growth of English Foreign Policy, 1485–1588 (London, 1966), chap. 22.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Elton, G. R., The Parliament of England, 1559–1581 (Cambridge, 1986), 257–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dean, David, “Locality and Parliament: The Legislative Activities of Devon’s MPs during the Reign of Elizabeth,” in Tudor and Stuart Devon: The Common Estate and Government, ed. Gray, Todd, Rowe, Margery, and Erskine, Audrey (Exeter, 1992), 85.Google Scholar

¹¹ Alsop, J. D., “Reinterpreting the Elizabethan Commons: The Parliamentary Session of 1566,” Journal of British Studies 29, no. 3 (July 1990): 216–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Alford, Elizabethan Polity, chap. 6; Dietz, F. C., English Public Finance, 1558–1641 (New York, 1964), chap. 1Google Scholar; Jones, Norman, The Birth of the Elizabethan Age: England in the 1560s (Oxford, 1993), 227–59.Google Scholar

¹² “A bill for harbours and havens,” TNA: PRO, SP 12/41, fols. 16–22.

¹³ See, e.g., Ferguson, Arthur B., The Articulate Citizen and the English Renaissance (Durham, NC, 1965)Google Scholar; Jones, Whitney R. D., The Tudor Commonwealth, 1529–1559 (London, 1970)Google Scholar; Dewar, Mary, Sir Thomas Smith: A Tudor Intellectual in Office (London, 1964)Google Scholar; Dewar, Mary, ed., A Discourse of the Commonweal of This Realm of England (Charlottesville, VA, 1969)Google Scholar; Fideler, Paul A. and Mayer, T. F., eds., Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth: Deep Structure, Discourse, and Disguise (London and New York, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Thirsk, Joan, Economic Policy and Projects: The Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1978), 32–33Google Scholar. On Cecil’s pragmatic approach to the problem of usury, see Jones, Norman L., “William Cecil and the Making of Economic Policy in the 1560s and Early 1570s,” in Fideler, and Mayer, , Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth, 169–93, and his full-scale study, God and the Moneylenders: Usury and Law in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ For a general overview, see Muchembled, Robert, “La roue de fortune loteries et modernité en Europe du XVe au XVIIe siècle,” in Loteries en Europe: Cinq siècles d’histoire, ed. Ansiaux, Michel (Bruxelles, 1994), 16–53Google Scholar. On the Italian lottery see Welch, Evelyn, “Lotteries in Early Modern Italy,” Past and Present 199, no. 1 (May 2008): 71–111.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ Smith wrote treatises on currencies and exchanges, on the wages of Roman soldiers and accumulated an impressive collection of coins. Dewar, Smith, 46–47, 117–18; Wood, Neal, “Foundations of Political Economy: The New Moral Philosophy of Sir Thomas Smith,” in Fideler, and Mayer, , Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth, 140–68Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Blanchard, Ian, “Gresham, Sir Thomas (ca. 1518–1579),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004Google Scholar; online ed., http://www.oxforddnb.com/, last accessed June 2010); Ramsay, G. D., The City of London in International Politics at the Accession of Elizabeth Tudor (Manchester, 1975), 6Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Perrot to Cecil, with attachments, 3 December 1568, TNA: PRO, SP 12/48/51; Stephen Perrott, “a foreigner,” to William Cecil, 4 May 1569, British Library (BL) Lansdowne, MS 11/13, fols. 41–46.

¹⁹ Raine, Angelo, ed., York Civic Records, vol. 6, Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Record Series, vol. 62, 1948 for 1946, 136–37.Google Scholar

²⁰ The best study in English is de Boer, Dick E. H., “Lotteries and Lottery Rhymes as Elements of Popular Culture in the Low Countries 1440–1640,” in The Low Countries: Crossroads of Cultures, ed. Broos, Ton J., Lacy, Margriet Bruyn, and Shannon, Thomas F. (Münster, 2006), 57–76Google Scholar. On the Bruges lottery, see also Severen, Louis Gilliodts-van, “La loterie à Bruges,” in La Flandre, vol. 1 (1867–68), 5–26, 80–92, 160–95Google Scholar; vol. 2 (1868–69), 5–110. Other important studies of lotteries in the Low Countries include Huisman, Anneke and Koppernol, Johan, Daer compt de lotery met trommels en trompetten! Loterijen in de Nederlanden tot 1726 (Hilversum, 1991)Google Scholar, and Koppenol, Johan, Leids Heelal: Het Loterijspel (1596) van Jan van Hout (Hilversum, 1998)Google Scholar. See also the articles in a special issue of Spiegel Historiael, nos. 4–5 (April/May 2001), particularly Dick E. H. de Boer, “De triomfocht der prozen: Loterijwezen en volkschultuur in de Nederlanden tot het eind van de 17de eeuw,” 154–59.

²¹ Puttenham, George, The Arte of English Poesie, Contrived into three Bookes: The first of Poets and Poesie, the second of Proportion, the third of Ornament (London, 1589)Google Scholar; Symon, John, A Pleasant posie, or Sweete nosegay of fragrant smellyng flowers: gathered in the garden of heaunely pleasure, the holy and blessed bible (London, 1572)Google Scholar; Gascoigne, George, A hundreth sundrie flowres bounde vp in one small poesie (London, 1573)Google Scholar; Caton, Mary Anne, “‘Fables and fruit-trenchers teach as much’: English Banqueting Trenchers, ca. 1585–1662,” The Magazine Antiques 169, no. 6 (June 2006): 112–19Google Scholar; Evans, Joan, English Posies and Posy Rings (London, 1931)Google Scholar; Manning, John, ed., The Emblems of Thomas Palmer: Two Hundred Poosees, Sloane Ms. 3794 (New York, 1988).Google Scholar

²² The broadsheet survives in the Surrey History Centre (SHC), Loseley Letters (LL) 6729/7/144 and the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Arch. G c.6, 108–10. I would like to thank the staff of SHC (including a former archivist, Mary Mackey) and Dr. Alan Coates of the Bodleian for their assistance.

²³ Plomer, H. R., “Henry Bynneman, printer, 1566–83,” The Library, n.s., 9, no. 35 (July 1908): 225–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bell, Maureen, “Bynneman, Henry (b. in or before 1542, d. 1583),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed., last accessed June 2010)Google Scholar. Bynneman printed the proclamations of 13 July 1568 and 9 January 1568/69, while Jugge and Cawood published that of 2 November 1568. Dyson, Humfrey, A Booke Containing all Such Proclamations as were published during the Raigne of the late Queene Elizabeth (London, 1618), 102, 104, 106Google Scholar.

²⁴ TNA: PRO, SP 12/49/80.

²⁵ Plomer, “Bynneman,” 230. The chart, once in the Loseley manuscripts at Loseley House, Surrey, is now missing. First noticed in 1818, “Account of the Lottery of 1567, being the first upon Record, in a Letter from William Bray, Esq. Treasurer, addressed to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary,” Archaeologia, 19 (1821): 79–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar, it was discussed in Kempe, A. J., The Loseley Manuscripts (London, 1835)Google Scholar. See also Notes and Queries, 9th ser., 7 (12 January 1901): 23.

²⁶ Printed prize lists for the lottery, 1569, SHC, LM 2008, 2009.

²⁷ Another example is for the 1591 Amsterdam hospital for the mentally ill; de Boer, “Lotteries and Lottery Rhymes,” 6; Ansiaux, Loteries en Europe, 37, 150; Huisman and Koppenol, Daer compt de lotery, 19, 25, 28, 39. There is a detailed discussion of the Borgaerdenschool poster in Huvenne, Paul, Pierre Pourbois, peintre brugeois, 1524–1584 (Bruges, 1984), 268–72Google Scholar.

²⁸ See the image of “The iugemente of Salomon” in Anon, , Stories and prophecies out of the Holy Scripture, garnyschede with faire ymages …. (Antwerp, 1536), sig. GiiGoogle Scholar. Sharing elements with prints on the subject from the continent, the lottery image seems closer to those coming out of the Low Countries, but its elaborate border seems especially unusual. I would like to thank David Davis for sharing his reactions to the woodcut with me.

²⁹ Watt, Tessa, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 1991), 99–100, 181–83, 234, 354Google Scholar; Tusser, Thomas, Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry, intro. Geoffrey Grigson (Oxford, 1984), 66Google Scholar; The canticles or balades of Salomon, phraselyke declared in Englysh metres, by William Baldwin (London, 1549)Google Scholar; SHC, LM 2008, 2009.

³⁰ The Geneva Bible: A Facsimile of the 1560 Edition, intro. Berry, Lloyd E. (Madison, WI, Milwaukee, WI, and London, 1969), ii–vGoogle Scholar.

³¹ King, John N., Tudor Royal Iconography (Princeton, NJ, 1989), 112–15, 252–57Google Scholar.

³² Plomer, “Bynneman,” 226; Oastler, C. L., John Day, the Elizabethan Printer (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar; Pettegree, Andrew, “Day, John (1521/2–1584),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed., last accessed June 2010)Google Scholar.

³³ The Geneva Bible, 272, 272v.

³⁴ Ibid., 150.

³⁵ Alford, Early Elizabethan Polity, and “A Politics of Emergency in the Reign of Elizabeth I,” in English Radicalism, 1550–1850, ed. Burgess, Glenn and Festenstein, Matthew (Cambridge, 2007), 17–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁶ Wiener, Carol Z., “‘The Beleaguered Isle’: A Study of Elizabethan and Early Jacobean Anti-Catholicism,” Past and Present 51, no. 1 (May 1971): 27–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ Elton, Parliament, 257–58; and, for later in the reign, Dean, David, Law-Making and Society in Late Elizabethan England: The Parliament of England, 1584–1601 (Cambridge, 1996), 242–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Parliament, Privy Council, and Local Politics in Elizabethan England: The Yarmouth-Lowestoft Fishing Dispute,” Albion 22, no. 1 (Spring 1990): 39–64.Google Scholar

³⁸ Raine, York Civic Records, 136–37.

³⁹ “The leaves be greene, God Save the Queene,” “In the Spring time trees were greene, God save Elizabeth our noble Queene,” “The leaves be greene, whether my lots be good or bad, God save the Queene”; printed prize lists for the lottery, 1569, SHC, LM 2008, 2009.

⁴⁰ He may well have been the brother of Leger, Nicholas St., who spoke so viciously against “the monstrous and huge dragon and mass of the earth, the Queen of Scots” in the 1572 parliament, Hartley, T. E., ed., Proceedings in the Parliaments of Elizabeth I, 3 vols. (Leicester, 1981, 1995, 1995), 1:312Google Scholar. There was one decidedly anticlerical posy: “Priestes love pretie wenches,” SHC, LM 2009.

⁴¹ SHC, LL 6729/7/144b. The crown also paid out interest on forced loans but neither was considered to be usury (thanks to Norman Jones for supplying this information). Rethinking about usury led to a new usury law in 1571; see Jones, God and the Moneylenders. One posy confessed, “I have gone so long upon usurie, that I would faine have helpe by the lotterie,” SHC, LM 2009.

⁴² Hughes, Paul L. and Larkin, James F., ed., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 3 vols. (Yale, 1969), vol. 2, no. 549 (3 January 1568), 291–93Google Scholar. One survives in SHC, LL 6729/7/144a. When Sir William More received the proclamation, a letter was attached from Gerrard and Offley assuring him that they could help answer such scruples and doubts; William Garrard and Thomas Offley to William More, 6 January 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144h.

⁴³ Hughes, and Larkin, , Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, no. 549 (3 January 1568), 291–93Google Scholar; SHC, LL 6729/7/144a.

⁴⁴ Hasler, P. W., The House of Commons, 1558–1603, 3 vols. (London, 1981), 3: 86Google Scholar. On these offices see Braddick, State Formation, chap. 1. A letter from William Tyrell of Croyden refusing More’s invitation to become a collector addresses him as justice of the peace, suggesting his role as treasurer was less obviously important than his traditional role in the local community. William Tyrell to William More, 11 October 1567, SHC, LL 6729/7/144d.

⁴⁵ George Evelyn to William More, 18 December 1567, SHC, LL 6729/7/144s(1); William Hammond to William More, 20 December 1567, SHC, LL 6729/7/144g.

⁴⁶ Corporation of London Record Office (CLRO), Repertory 16, fols. 271, 273, 302, 304.

⁴⁷ Memorandum, SHC, LL 6729/7/144c, undated.

⁴⁸ Examples are the York letter, York Civic Records, 136–37, and Cecil to the Merchant Adventurers, 29 August 1568, TNA: PRO, SP 12/47/48.

⁴⁹ In More’s case most of his collectors were reporting poor sales even though, as Hammond noted, he had joined with his neighbors to purchase lots to demonstrate his confidence in the lottery. See Robert Moys to George Austen, forwarded by Austen to William More, 3 January 1568, SHC, LL 6729/144e; William Hammond to William More, 23 February 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144f.

⁵⁰ Fering, W., A new yeres gift, intituled, a christal glas for all estates to looke in wherein they may plainly see the iust rewarde, for unsaciate and abhominable couetousnesse. M.D.LXIX Imprinted at London: In Fleetstreete by William How, for Richarde Iohnes; and are to be solde at his shop vnder the Lotterie house (London, 1569)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ There is a striking depiction of a 1605 lottery display in a market in The Hague by Willem Buytenwech; see Ansiaux, Loteries en Europe, 36; Huisman and Koppenol, Daer compt de lotery, 42. Claes Visscher shows the displaying of the 1618 lottery chart for the hospital in Egmond; see de Boer, “Lotteries and Lottery Rhymes,” 63; Huisman and Koppenol, Daer compt de lotery, 67; Ansiaux, Loteries en Europe, 141.

⁵² George Evelyn to William More, 8 April 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144s2; William Garrard to William More, 14 April 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144i; John Johnson to William More, 9 July 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144/j; and SHC, LL 6729/7/144/k, undated circular letter but probably an enclosure with 144/j. Johnson kept up the correspondence well into September; John Johnson to William More, 21 August 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144m; same to same, 8 September 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144n; same to same, 15 September 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144o.

⁵³ Copy of Privy Council letter to justices of the peace, collectors of the lottery, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, etc., 22 July 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144l.

⁵⁴ William Garrard, Thomas Offley, and John Tamworth to More, 9 October 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144q. See also William More to Hammond, Moys, and Evelyn, 13 October 1568, SHC, LL 6729/7/144r; William Hammond to More, SHC, LL 6729/7/144t, no date. There had been some successes already, as in Dorking, Thomas Browne to William More, 20 September 1568; SHC, LL 6729/7/144p.

⁵⁵ Braddick, Michael J., The Nerves of State: Taxation and the Financing of the English State, 1558–1714 (Manchester and New York, 1996), 210–11.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ewen, Lotteries and Sweepstakes, 49–50; Ashton, History of the Lottery, 22.

⁵⁷ Ewen, Lotteries and Sweepstakes, 54–56, 62–63; Perrot to Cecil, with attachments, 3 December 1568, TNA: PRO, SP 12/48/51; Hughes, and Larkin, , Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, no. 306 (9 January 1569), 306–307Google Scholar. Perrot thought the lottery successful enough to propose another; BL Lansdowne MS 11/13, fols. 41–46.

⁵⁸ SHC, LM 2008 and 2009 (the beginning date of the latter is torn).

⁵⁹ The device follows John Daye’s design for the 1551 edition of Taverner’s Bible; Hoak, Dale, “The Iconography of the Crown Imperial,” in Tudor Political Culture, ed. Hoak, D. (Cambridge, 1995), 90.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Since no contemporary record survives as to how the lists were generated, either at the point of sale or subsequently, it is always possible that some of the posies were suggested by collectors, although the strong personal nature of many of the posies argues otherwise. Nor can we always be sure that an individual purchasing a lot was doing so entirely on his or her own behalf. Those submitted by the goldsmiths William Dudham (“Even or od, my trust is in God”) and John Mabbe (“Hab or nab, the yonger Mab”) appear to be quite individual choices, and they may well have been even though both men were buying lots on behalf of members of London’s Goldsmiths’ Company; Goldsmiths’ Company, Warden’s Accounts and Court Minutes, vol. 9, 1566/67–1573 (“Book K”), 449, 450–51, 452. I would like to thank the Goldsmiths’ Company and the Librarian for their permission and assistance in using their records.

⁶¹ Henry VIII’s new testoons of 1544 earned from the poet John Heywood the epigram “These Testons look red: how like you the same? Tis a token of grace: they blush for shame” (W. R. D. Jones, Tudor Commonwealth, 140–43).

⁶² Jones, Birth of an Elizabethan Age, 230–36. The fullest account of the coinage is Challis, C. E., The Tudor Coinage (Manchester, 1978)Google Scholar, who discusses the changing composition of the coinage (219–31).

⁶³ See, e.g., Hughes, and Larkin, , Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, no. 475 (23 December 1560), 160–61Google Scholar; no. 488 (30 January 1562), 181; and no. 492 (13 March 1562), 185–86.

⁶⁴ See Williams, Penry, The Tudor Regime (Oxford, 1979)Google Scholar; Hindle, State and Social Change; for proclamations, Youngs, Frederic A. Jr., The Proclamations of the Tudor Queens (Cambridge, 1976)Google Scholar; for parliamentary legislation, Dean, Law-Making.

⁶⁵ Hughes and Larkin, Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, 161.

⁶⁶ Hughes, and Larkin, , Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, no. 552 (13 July 1568), 294–95Google Scholar; no. 554 (2 November 1568), 298.

⁶⁷ SHC, LM 2009.

⁶⁸ David Palliser notes, for example, that the 1560s saw “something of a pause” in terms of rising agricultural prices and falling wage rates; The Age of Elizabeth. England under the Later Tudors, 1547–1603 (Harlow, Essex, 1983), 141Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ For collective purchases, and posies that emphasized locality and community, see Dean, David, “Locality and Self in the Elizabethan Lottery of the 1560s,” in Local Identities in Late Medieval and Early Modern England, ed. Jones, Norman L. and Woolf, Daniel (Houndmills, Basingstoke, 2007), 207–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁰ SHC, LM 2008, 2009.

⁷¹ As visualized in Baldassare Peruzzi’s An Allegory of Fortune, which became a frontispiece to Sigismondo Fanti’s Triompho di fortuna (Venice, 1527), dedicated to Pope Clement VII; Franklin, David, ed., From Raphael to Carrraci: The Art of Papal Rome (Ottawa, 2009), 170–71Google Scholar. Pieter van der Heyden’s satirical print showing the Pope and Catholic clergy enjoying games of hazard was popular in the 1560s; see Bernard, Bruno, “Aspects moraux et sociaux des lotieries,” in Ansiaux, Loteries en Europe, 63Google Scholar.

⁷² Stubbes, Philip, The anatomie of abuses containing a discoverie, or beirfe summarie of such notbable vices and imperfections … (London, 1583).Google Scholar

⁷³ On gambling, see Munting, Roger, An Economic and Social History of Gambling in Britain and the USA (Manchester and New York, 1996)Google Scholar, and “Social Opposition to Gambling in Britain: An Historical Overview,” International Journal of the History of Sport 10, no. 3 (December 1993): 295–312CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Evans, James E., “‘A Sceane of Utmost Vanity’: The Spectacle of Gambling in Late Stuart Culture,” Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 31 (2002): 1–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ SHC, LM 2008, 2009.

⁷⁵ The Geneva Bible, 272.

⁷⁶ Thomas, Keith, Religion and the Decline of Magic (Harmondsworth, 1978), 139–46Google Scholar; Walsham, Alexandra, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999), 21Google Scholar; Fenner, Dudley, A Short and profitable Treatise, of lawfull and unlawfull Recreations, and of the right use and abuse of those that are lawefull (London, 1587)Google Scholar; Balmford, James, A short and plaine dialogue concerning the vnlawfulnes of playing at cards or tables, or any other game consisting in chance Offered to the religious consideration of all such as make conscience of all their waies (London, 1593)Google Scholar; Gataker, Thomas, Of the Nature and Use of Lots: A Treatise Historicall and Theological (London, 1619).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Gataker, Of The Nature and Use of Lots, chap. 8.

⁷⁸ Ibid., chaps. 6 and 7.

⁷⁹ Ibid., chaps. 6 and 8. Gataker’s treatise provoked a debate with Balmford in the 1620s.

⁸⁰ Perkins, , The whole treatise of cases of conscience (London, 1606)Google Scholar. For Perkins’s and other casuists’ views of gambling, see Wood, Thomas, “The Seventeenth Century English Casuists on Betting and Gambling,” Church Quarterly Review 149 (1950): 159–74Google Scholar,

⁸¹ Walsham, Providence, 19. An analogous concern was the relationship between poverty and providence; see Fideler, Paul A., “Poverty, Policy and Providence: The Tudors and the Poor,” in Fideler, and Mayer, , Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth, 194–222Google Scholar.

⁸² Schama, Simon, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (London, 1987), 307.Google Scholar

⁸³ SHC, LM 2008.

⁸⁴ All posies in the following discussion are taken from SHC, LM 2008 and 2009.

⁸⁵ Examples from one single column are “God and a good lot,” “Happe well or happe ill, in God I will hope still,” “God from whom all things,” “Since God provides for birde and be[a]st, I hope my lot shall not be least,” “God giveth to whom he will, as God will so be it, in God is all my trust”; SHC, LM 2008.

⁸⁶ This last also provided a chance to play on a surname, for it was the choice of Thomas Shepparde of Middlesex; compare the even wittier choice of a Londoner, Israel Hunter: “The Lorde in olde time provided full well, a good prosperous lot to maintain Israel.”

⁸⁷ The draw is recorded in Stow, John, Annales or The Chronicles of England (London, 1580), 1136Google Scholar. For winnings below expectations, see Warden’s Accounts and Court Minutes, vol. 9 1566/7–1573 (“Book K”), 449, 450–51, 452. The prize drawing caused some disagreement in the City, CLRO, Repertory 15, fol. 517; Repertory 18, fols. 266v–67.

⁸⁸ Leslie, John, A Treatise of Treason against Q. Elizabeth … (London, 1572), 71Google Scholar. The context is nicely laid out by Questier, Michael, “Elizabeth and the Catholics,” in Catholics and the Protestant Nation, ed. Shagan, Ethan H. (Manchester and New York, 2005), 69–94.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Arber, Edward, An English Garner, 8 vols. (London, 1897), 1:93Google Scholar. Those attending performances of Shakespeare’s Coriolanus may have also remembered the lottery; Brown, Eric C., “A Note on the Lottery of Queen Elizabeth I and Coriolanus, 5.2,” Shakespeare Quarterly 50, no. 1 (Spring 1999): 70–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as surely did the queen herself during Sir John Davies’s entertainment, “A LOTTERY, presented before the QUEENES MAJESTIE, at the LORD CHANCELLOR’S House” in 1601, Nichols, John, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, 3 vols. (London, 1823), 3:570–75Google Scholar; Krueger, Robert, ed., The Poems of Sir John Davies (Oxford, 1975), 207–16Google Scholar. While Nichols notes that the performance took place at York House in London, Krueger argues it happened at Egerton’s new house at Harefield, Middlesex.

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⁹² Hindle, State and Social Change, 9.

⁹³ Griffiths, Paul, Fox, Adam, and Hindle, Steve, The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (New York, 1996), 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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