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² Newman, Gerald, The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740–1830 (London, 1987), p. 52Google Scholar.

³ See, e.g., Samuel, Raphael, ed., Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, 3 vols. (London, 1989)Google Scholar; Colls, Robert and Dodd, Philip, eds., Englishness: Politics and Culture, 1880–1920 (London, 1986)Google Scholar; Cunningham, Hugh, “The Language of Patriotism, 1750–1914,” History Workshop Journal 12 (Autumn 1981): 8–33Google Scholar; Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992)Google Scholar; Grainger, J. H., Patriotisms: Britain, 1900–1939 (London, 1986)Google Scholar; Taylor, Miles, “John Bull and the Iconography of Public Opinion in England c. 1712–1929,” Past and Present, no. 110 (February 1992): 93–128Google Scholar; Ward, Paul, Red Flag and Union Jack: Englishness, Patriotism and the British Left, 1881–1924 (Woodbridge, England, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁴ The work of Margot Finn and Miles Taylor has done something toward filling the gap for the middle part of the century. See Finn, , After Chartism: Class and Nation in English Radical Politics, 1848–1874 (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar; Taylor, , The Decline of British Radicalism, 1847–1860 (Oxford, 1995)Google Scholar.

⁵ Blake, Robert, The Conservative Party from Peel to Churchill (London, 1970), p. 124Google Scholar.

⁶ Hawkins, Angus, British Party Politics, 1852–1886 (Basingstoke, 1998), pp. 195, 205CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹ Matthew, H. C. G., ed., The Gladstone Diaries (Oxford, 1986), 9:xxxvGoogle Scholar.

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¹² Enstam, M. E. Y., “The ‘Khaki’ Election of 1900 in the United Kingdom” (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1967), esp. pp. 252, 268–70, 278, 317–19Google Scholar.

¹³ Price, , Imperial War, p. 106Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Notable works have followed Price's line on the war; see Feuchtwanger, E. J., Democracy and Empire: Britain, 1865–1914 (London, 1985), pp. 240–41Google Scholar; Marsh, Peter, The Discipline of Popular Government: Lord Salisbury's Domestic Statecraft, 1881–1902 (Hassocks, England, 1978), p. 303Google Scholar; Shannon, Richard, The Age of Salisbury, 1881–1902: Unionism and Empire (London, 1996), pp. 511–14Google Scholar.

¹⁵ The Times (29 September 1900), p. 11Google ScholarPubMed, and (1 October 1900), p. 9.

¹⁶ Address of Balfour, Arthur, in British Political Party General Election Addresses: From the National Liberal Club, Bristol University (Brighton, 1984–1985)Google Scholar, 28 microfilm reels, pt. 1, 1892–1922, reel 2, 1900 (hereafter EA), p. 186.

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¹⁸ Shannon, , Salisbury, p. 511Google Scholar. Although Shannon supports this claim by pointing to the absence from the handbook Five Years' Work of “a chapter specifically on the Transvaal or the South African war,” this omission was doubtless based on the assump Untion that the candidates and speakers—for whom the publication was intended—were well enough informed on the issue already. Indeed, this point is explicitly made in Five Years' Work itself, where it is stated that “the history of [the war with the Transvaal] is so well known that reference only is made to it as one of the events with which the Unionist Government have had to deal.” See Central Office, Five Years' Work: A Review of the Legislation and Administration of the Conservative and Unionist Government under Lord Salisbury, 1895–1900 (London, 1900), p. 14Google Scholar.

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²⁰ While thirty-four of the forty-nine extant pamphlets and leaflets relating to the general election of 1900 deal with South Africa, foreign policy, or the army and navy, not more than fourteen take as their subject domestic topics; see Conservative Party, “Pamphlets and Leaflets,” pt. 1: 1868–1901, in The Archives of British Conservative Party, ser. 2 (Reading, 1989), microfiche.

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²² Blewett, Neal, The Peers, the Parties and the People: The General Elections of 1910 (London, 1972), p. 316CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁵ Typifying the Unionist position on alien immigration, F. W. Horner in North Lambeth argued that it was because immigrants “take the bread out of the mouths of the workless and starving poor” that their entry should be restricted (EA, p. 73).

²⁶ Readman, Paul A., “Patriotism and the General Election of 1900 in Britain” (M. Phil, diss., Cambridge University, 1998), p. 98Google Scholar.

²⁷ Cambridge Daily News (27 September 1900), p. 3Google Scholar.

²⁸ For a reproduction of one such poster, see supplement to Liberal Magazine 8 (November 1900): iiGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ Address of Macdona, J. C., EA, p. 79Google Scholar.

³⁰ Ibid.

³¹ See McLeod, , “Scotland,” p. 244Google ScholarPubMed.

³² See supplement to Liberal Magazine 8 (November 1900): ivGoogle Scholar.

³³ Addresses of R. Greville (Bradford, East) and Cook, F. L. (Lambeth, Kennington), EA, pp. 161, 71Google ScholarPubMed.

³⁴ Address of Ropner, R. (Stockton-on-Tees), EA, p. 206Google Scholar.

³⁵ As is clear from the National Union “Transvaal Series” of pamphlets, a collection that is to be found in Conservative Party, “Pamphlets and Leaflets,” Archives of British Conservative Party, ser. 2. See the pamphlets “A Radical Boer at the Bar” (National Union Pamphlet no. 105, September 1900), “Radical Advice to the Enemy” (National Union Pamphlet no. 106, September 1900), “Radical Correspondence with the Enemy” (National Union Pamphlet no. 107, September 1900), and “Radical M.P.s Advising the Enemy” (National Union Pamphlet no. 123, September 1900), among others.

³⁶ Conservative Party, “Pamphlets and Leaflets”; see “Radical Enemies of their Country” (National Union Pamphlet no. 109, September 1900).

³⁷ Liberal Magazine 8 (November 1900): 516Google Scholar.

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³⁹ Speech of Hozier, J. (Lanarkshire, Southern), Scotsman (25 September 1900), p. 7Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ See Thompson, Andrew S., “‘Thinking Imperially’? Imperial Pressure Groups and the Idea of Empire in Late Victorian and Edwardian Britain” (D. Phil, diss., Oxford University, 1994), pp. 138–40, 348–49Google Scholar, and his “The Language of Imperialism and the Meanings of Empire: Imperial Discourse in British Politics, 1895–1914,” Journal of British Studies 36, no. 2 (1997): 147–77Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Indeed, ISAA speakers appeared on the platforms of a number of Unionist candidates in the election. Examples include Williams, R. (Aberdeen, North), Daily Free Press (27 September 1900), p. 6Google Scholar; Hay, C. (Shoreditch, Hoxton), Mercury (29 September 1900), p. 3Google Scholar; SirDalrymple, C. and Rawlinson, J. F. P. (Ipswich), Suffolk Chronicle (5 October 1900), p. 5Google Scholar.

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⁴³ Speech of Agnew, A. N. (Edinburgh, South), Scotsman, p. 6Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Address of Eyre, H. (Nottinghamshire, Mansfield), EA, p. 271Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Address of Logan, J. W. (Leicestershire, Harborough), EA, p. 255Google Scholar.

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⁴⁷ Address of Sherburn, J. (Gateshead), EA, p. 171Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Address of Balfour, , The Times (25 September 1900), p. 9Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Speech of Doyle, A. Conan, Scotsman (26 September 1900), p. 10Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ The Times (27 September 1900), p. 10Google ScholarPubMed.

⁵¹ Speaker in support of McCalmont, H. L. B. (Cambridgeshire, Newmarket), Cambridge Daily News (5 October 1900), p. 2Google Scholar.

⁵² Lawrence, Jon, “Class and Gender in the Making of Urban Toryism, 1880–1914,” English Historical Review 108, no. 3 (1993): 642–44Google Scholar.

⁵³ There is photographic evidence of this: see “Politics in Poster,” Sphere (6 October 1900), p. 5Google Scholar; and also Mason, Tony, Association Football and English Society, 1863–1915 (Brighton, 1980), plate facing p. 118Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ The Times (5 October 1900), p. 9Google Scholar. For the full text of the offending leaflet, see Daily Chronicle (26 September 1900), p. 6Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ The Times (8 October 1900), p. 8Google ScholarPubMed.

⁵⁶ Moore, , “Cuttings,” 1:11Google Scholar.

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⁵⁸ Speech of Gray, C. W. (Essex, Saffron Walden), Cambridge Daily News (3 October 1900), p. 4Google Scholar, and the description of meeting in support of Greene, R. (Cambridgeshire, Chesterton) Cambridge Daily News (4 October 1900), p. 3Google Scholar.

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⁶² Morning Post (22 September 1900), p. 4Google ScholarPubMed. Significantly, Palmerston had also been depicted as a sturdy pugilist.

⁶³ Speaker in support of Sir Llewelyn, John (Swansea), South Wales Daily Post (25 September 1900), p. 4Google Scholar.

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⁶⁵ Election doggerel verse by “W. K., ” in Scotsman (29 September 1900), p. 12Google Scholar. Sung to the tune of “Tommy Atkins” (a popular music hall song), another election verse included the line, “For our party, for our party, you will vote if you're a man”; see Ipswich Journal (29 September 1900), p. 5Google Scholar.

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⁶⁹ See, e.g., Marsh, Discipline; Green, E. H. H., “Radical Conservatism: The Electoral Genesis of Tariff Reform,” Historical Journal 28 (September 1985): 667–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Crisis, esp. pp. 125–28; Shannon, Salisbury.

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⁷⁴ Griffith-Boscawen, A. S. T., Fourteen Years in Parliament (London, 1907), p. 164Google Scholar.

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⁷⁶ Price, , Imperial War, p. 105Google Scholar. The total turnout in the United Kingdom was 75.1 percent, the lowest recorded in the eight general elections between the passage of the Third Reform Act and World War I.

⁷⁷ Indeed, Price seems to assume that low turnout necessarily correlates with “voter apathy” (ibid).

⁷⁸ Blanch, M. D., “Nation, Empire and the Birmingham Working Class, 1899–1914” (Ph.D. diss., Birmingham University, 1975), p. 125Google Scholar.

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⁸⁰ See Reid, Wemyss, “The Newspapers,” Nineteenth Century 48 (November 1900): 850Google Scholar; Spectator (29 September 1900), p. 396Google Scholar; Manchester Guardian (19 September 1900), pp. 6–7Google Scholar.

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⁸⁴ Cited in Baxendale, J. D., “The Development of the Liberal Party in England, with Special Reference to the North West, 1886–1900” (D. Phil, diss., Oxford University, 1971–72), p. 55Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Fortnightly Review 63 (June 1898): 910–13Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ See Clarke, Peter, Lancashire and the New Liberalism (Cambridge, 1971), p. 128CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸⁸ Gordon, Peter, ed., The Red Earl: The Papers of the Fifth Earl Spencer, 1835–1910, vol. 2, 1885–1910 (Northampton, 1986), pp. 281, 282Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Baxendale, , “Liberal Party,” p. 55Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Liberal Agent 3 (April 1901), p. 7Google ScholarPubMed. I am very grateful to Kathryn Rix for this reference.

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⁹³ The Times (22 September 1900), p. 11Google ScholarPubMed.

⁹⁴ The Times (28 September 1900), p. 8Google ScholarPubMed. It was the first time in over forty years that the seat had not seen a contest.

⁹⁵ See Pelling, Henry, Social Geography of British Elections, 1885–1910 (London, 1967), p. 40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹⁷ Clifton, Gloria, “Members and Officers of the LCC, 1889–1965,” in Politics and the People of London: The London County Council, 1889–1965, ed. Saint, Andrew (London, 1989), p. 3Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ This point is conceded by Enstam, (“‘Khaki’ Election,” p. 177)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Moore, , “Cuttings,” 1:34Google Scholar.

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¹⁰² Price, , Imperial War, pp. 3–4, 46–49Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Davis, John, “Radical Clubs and London Politics,” in Metropolis London: Histories and Representations since 1800, ed. Feldman, David and Jones, Gareth Stedman (London, 1989), p. 126Google Scholar; Lawrence, , “Party Politics and the People,” pp. 78–79Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Davis, , “Radical Clubs,” pp. 113, 126Google Scholar; Jones, Gareth Stedman, “Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Politics in London, 1870–1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class,” Journal of Social History 7, no. 4 (1974): 480Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Club Life (6 October 1900), p. 4Google ScholarPubMed. This was no isolated example: “with the coming of the verdict” in South West Ham, the dedicated radicals in that constituency's working men's club discovered they “were sheltering several wolves in sheep's clothing,” who were “proud to admit” their support for the Conservatives (p. 7).

¹⁰⁶ Club Life (13 October 1900), p. 6Google ScholarPubMed.

¹⁰⁷ Pelling, Henry, Popular Politics and Society in Late Victorian Britain (London, 1968), p. 99Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., p. 87.

¹⁰⁹ Justice (3 November 1900), p. 4Google ScholarPubMed.

¹¹⁰ The substantial Unionist gains in mixed-class and working-class constituencies between 1886 and 1900 are quantified in Blewett, , Peers, pp. 19–20Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Thompson, Paul, The Edwardians (London, 1975), p. 241Google Scholar. See also Blewett, , Peers, p. 19Google Scholar; Kiernan, Victor, “Working Class and Nation in Nineteenth-Century Britain,” in Rebels and Their Causes: Essays in Honour of A. L. Morton, ed. Cornforth, Maurice (London, 1978), p. 132Google Scholar.

¹¹² See, e.g., Price, , Imperial War, pp. 72–74, 237–41Google Scholar; Fest, , “Jingoism and Xenophobia,” pp. 172–75Google Scholar; Joyce, Patrick, Work, Society and Politics: The Culture of the Factory in Later Victorian England (London, 1980), p. 301Google Scholar; Bourke, Joanna, Working-Class Cultures in Britain, 1890–1960: Gender, Class and Ethnicity (London, 1994), p. 211Google Scholar; Grainger, , Patriotisms, p. 150Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Pelling, , Social Geography, p. 268Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Frederick Willis remembered that in the jubilee year of 1897, “the little old lady in black was the idol of mansion and cottage. Her photograph adorned the walls of the humblest homes, and the song ‘Queen of the Earth,’ specially written for the common people, was sung all over the world … ‘V.R.’ in letters of vari-coloured fire was everywhere … It is doubtful if there was any poor little street in London during that scintillant week which did not have its humble tribute picked out in penny fairy lights—V.R. [sic].” See Willis, , Peace and Dripping Toast (London, 1950), pp. 71, 73Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Cunningham, , “Conservative Party and Patriotism,” p. 298Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ See, e.g., the comments of Lord, Milner in his The Nation and the Empire (London, 1913), p. 298Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Willis, , Peace and Dripping Toast, p. 134Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Garrat, V. W., A Man in the Street (London, 1939), p. 64Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Southgate, Walter, That's the Way It Was (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32–33Google Scholar. For a general criticism of Price's view that working men were less than enthusiastic about the war, see Blanch, M. D., “British Society and the War,” in The South African War: The Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902, ed. Warwick, Peter (Harlow, 1980), pp. 239–57Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ For this working-class vote see the table in Blewett, , Peers, p. 496Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Price, , Imperial War, p. 108Google Scholar. The six seats were Bethnal Green, South-West; Burnley; Cumberland Cockermouth; Newcastle-under-Lyme; Cumberland Eskdale; and Sheffield, Brightside.

¹²² For the details of the results in these seats, see Craig, F. W. S., British General Election Results, 1885–1918 (London, 1974), pp. 6, 88, 156, 184, 244, 246CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²³ Price, , Imperial War, p. 110Google Scholar. The seats in question were Dumfriesshire; Edinburgh, South; Lancashire, Middleton; and Tower Hamlets, Stepney.

¹²⁴ On this point see also Auld, John W., “The Liberal Pro-Boers,” Journal of British Studies 14, no. 2 (1975): 93CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Auld, however, makes no attempt to bring his conclusions to bear on the views of Price.

¹²⁵ See the election addresses of Evans-Gordon, W. E. (Tower Hamlets, Stepney) and Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Brightside), EA, pp. 85–86, 203Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ Address of Robson, W. S., EA, p. 204Google Scholar. Robson saw his majority in South Shields increase by 2,360, a swing of 13.6 percent over the Liberal vote in 1895. One exception was the prominent Imperialist and South African bondholder Rochfort Maguire, whose strong support for the war and the annexation of the Boer republics did not prevent him from losing the Liberal-held seat of East Leeds by a margin of nearly two thousand votes.

¹²⁷ These figures are based on the descriptions of individual constituencies given in Pelling's Social Geography.

¹²⁸ Speaking at a meeting of election agents on the last day of the twenty-second National Liberal Federation conference in March 1900, Gladstone claimed that though there were “considerable differences of opinion in our party,” they were “wholly produced by the war.” See National Liberal Federation, Proceedings in Connection with the Twenty-Second Annual Meeting of the Federation Held in Nottingham, March 26th, 27th, 28th, and 29th, 1900 (London, 1900), p. 35Google Scholar. And as P. D. Jacobsen has pointed out, Liberal Imperialism at least “was inextricably bound up with the unique political conditions created by the war,” being “the product of wartime politics in much the same way as was the ‘khaki election’ of 1900”; see Jacobsen, , “Rosebery and Liberal Imperialism 1899–1903,” Journal of British Studies 13, no. 1 (1973): 86–87Google Scholar. The speedy demise of the Liberal Imperialist faction after 1902 would certainly tend to support this.

¹²⁹ Pelling, , Social Geography, p. 382Google Scholar

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¹³³ An amendment that some Liberal Imperialists actually voted in favor of (for the division list, see Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser. 1899, 77:367–72)Google Scholar.

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¹³⁶ Feuchtwanger, , Democracy, p. 239Google Scholar. Richard Price has also relied on The Times for his list of Liberal pro-Boers (Price, , Imperial War, p. 106, n. 33)Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ As detailed by Price, these were “Dillon's amendment to the address urging arbitration; Stanhope's amendment in October 1899 disapproving of the conduct of the negotiations; Redmond's amendment to the address in February urging the cessation of hostilities and recognition of the independence of the Boer states; and Lawson's move to reduce Chamberlain's salary by £100” (Price, , Imperial War, p. 106, n. 33)Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ The House of Commons divisions used here were the four mentioned in the note above and, in addition, Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice's motion condemning the government's management of South African affairs since 1895 (6 February 1900) and the four supply votes of 15 and 16 February 1900. As regards speeches and election addresses, the latter were found particularly useful, but either in cases of doubt or cases where no address could be found, reference was made to speech reports in local newspapers. It is, e.g., difficult to say on the basis of a reading of his election address alone whether M. Levy (Leicestershire, Loughborough) can be classed as pro-Boer; but his speeches during the campaign itself leave little doubt as to his views. Declaring the conflict in South Africa to have been brought on not by “the stupidity of Mr. Kruger” but, rather, “the capricious, aggressive and unwise diplomacy of Mr. Chamberlain,” he thought there to be “no merits in the war at all”; see Leicester Daily Post (22 September 1900), p. 5Google Scholar. Examples of organizations include the Imperial South African Association and the Imperial Liberal League (for Liberal Imperialists), and the Manchester Transvaal Committee, and the South African Conciliation Committee (for Pro-Boers). The opinions of contemporaries are an important consideration. Heber Hart's lists of candidates approved by the Imperial Liberal Council were especially useful in determining who could be described as Liberal Imperialist. For these lists see The Times (25 September 1900), p. 8, (29 September 1900), p. 10, and (2 October 1900), p. 8Google Scholar. My work is not the first attempt at finding the numbers of pro-Boer and Liberal Imperialist M.P.s. In addition to the list provided by Price, J. W. Auld has produced a list of 45 pro-Boer M.P.s. (“Pro-Boers,” pp. 100–101). Yet while this list was clearly compiled with care, close scrutiny reveals some errors. Given that Auld considered “active participation in antiwar organizations and activities” an important determinant of pro-Boer status, it is curious that such Liberal M.P.s as the treasurer of the Peace Society (W. Hazell) and the chairman of the Liverpool South African Conciliation Committee (J. T. Brunner) were omitted from his list. Indeed, these omissions seem all the more curious in the light of the latter's participation in a conference—attended by the notorious South African pro-Boer activist S. C. Cronwright—Schreiner-that “strongly condemned the war,” plus the fact that the former issued a joint address with Henry Broadhurst (his running mate in Leicester and a man whom Auld does see as a pro-Boer). See Cronwright-Schreiner, S. C., The Land of Free Speech (London, 1906), pp. 11–12Google Scholar; address of Broadhurst, Henry and Hazell, W. (Leicester), EA, pp. 181–82Google Scholar. As for the Liberal Imperialists, another historian has calculated that 47 M.P.s who stood as candidates fall into this category; see Boyle, T., “The Liberal Imperialists,” Bulletin of the Institute for Historical Research 52 (May 1979): 70 ffGoogle Scholar. However, not only does Boyle's list exclude those Liberal Imperialist candidates who never became M.P.s, it also includes such doubtfuls as J. E. Whitley (Halifax) and J. W. Benn (Southwark, Bermondsey).