¹ John Mason Cook, to Sir John Gorst, 5 May 1896, University of Westminster Archive, Polytechnic Touring Association (hereafter UWA, PTA), 1/2/2.

² [R. J. Mitchell], to A. J. Mundella, unsigned letter, 2 June 1896, UWA, PTA 1/2/4. Polytechnics Sub Committee Minutes, 13 May 1896, LMA (London Metropolitan Archives), Technical Education Board (TEB) 36, 26 September 1894 to 10 November 1897, London Metropolitan Archives (LMA); Quintin Hogg, to [the Secretary, Department of Science & Art], [1897], UWA, PTA 1/2/6. The Charity Commission distributed funds for leisure activities, but there is no record of Polytechnic tours in the minute books of the Foundation's Central Governing Body, City Parochial Foundation, London. In addition, see the provisions of the Parochial Charities Act outlined by the principal of the Chelsea Polytechnic, F. J. Harlow, “Notes on the Legal Aspect of Polytechnic Schemes,” 10 March 1936, Woolwich Polytechnic: Trust Deed & Charity Commission Orders, Riverside House Library Archive. See also Education Department, “The London Polytechnics,” in Special Reports on Educational Subjects, vol. 2, 1898Google Scholar, Riverside House Library Archive. For John Cook, see Brendon, Piers, Thomas Cook: 150 Years of Popular Tourism (London, 1999)Google Scholar. For Hogg's “ruthless” business demeanor, see Hogg, Ethel M., Quintin Hogg: A Biography, 2nd ed. (London, 1904), 324–25Google Scholar.

³ Simon, Brian, “The Background to Legislation, 1897–1900,” chap. 6 in Education and the Labour Movement (London, 1965)Google Scholar; Eaglesham, E. J .R., “Administrative Muddle,” chap. 2 in The Foundations of 20th Century Education in England (London, 1967)Google Scholar.

⁴ Kalinowski, Katherine M. and Weiler, Betty, “Educational Travel,” in Special Interest Tourism, ed. Weiler, Betty and Hall, Colin Michael (London, 1992), 15–35Google Scholar, esp. 17. See also Dent, K. S., “Travel as Education: The English Landed Classes in the Eighteenth Century,” Educational Studies 1, no. 3 (October 1975): 171–80Google Scholar.

⁵ Other nonaristocratic links to educational travel are illuminated in Hunt, Margaret, “Racism, Imperialism, and the Traveler's Gaze,” Journal of British Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1993): 333–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Adler, Judith, “Youth on the Road: Reflections on the History of Tramping,” Annals of Tourism Research 12, no. 3 (1985): 335–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Walton, Whitney analyzes the historiography of study abroad in “Introduction,” in Internationalism, National Identities, and Study Abroad: France and the United States, 1890–1970 (Palo Alto, CA, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Grand Tour has also been described as a precursor to modern leisure travel. Middle- and working-class travel patterns, however, better represent this period of international capitalism. See Böröcz, Józef, “Travel-Capitalism: The Structure of Europe and the Advent of the Tourist,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 4 (October 1992): 712–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For working-class leisure travel, see Barton, Sue, Working-Class Organizations and Popular Tourism, 1840–1970 (Manchester, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁶ In this context, I draw on Alison Games's use of “cosmopolitanism” to refer to a pragmatic form of “accommodation” that Grand Tour students and merchants used to gain new knowledge or experience in the world. It does not refer to an ideological or philosophical affinity with enlightenment universalism or liberal internationalism. See Games, Alison, “Introduction,” and “The Mediterranean Origins of the British Empire,” chap. 1 in The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560–1660 (New York, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Bennett, Tony, Culture: A Reformer's Science (London, 1998), 74–77Google Scholar; Brendon, , Thomas Cook, 115–19Google Scholar.

⁸ Cook, Thomas, “Pleasure Trips Defended,” 1846, reprinted in Excursionist, June 1854, 2Google Scholar (Thomas Cook Archives), and “Excursions! Excursions!” Excursionist, 9 June 1870, 7–8.

⁹ Brendon, , Thomas Cook, 183–85Google Scholar. The Toynbee Settlement House developed tours for its primarily lower-middle-class members but on a far smaller scale than the Polytechnic. See Browne, Joan D., “The Toynbee Travellers’ Club,” History of Education 15, no. 1 (1986): 11–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Sutton, David, “Liberalism, State Collectivism and the Social Relations of Citizenship,” in Crisis in the British State, 1880–1930, ed. Langan, Mary and Schwarz, Bill (London, 1985), 63–79Google Scholar, esp. 64. See also Vincent, Andrew, “The New Liberalism and Citizenship,” in The New Liberalism: Reconciling Liberty and Community, ed. Simony, Avital and Weinstein, David (Cambridge, 2001), 205–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hall, Stuart and Schwarz, Bill, “State and Society, 1880–1930,” in Crisis in the British State, 1880–1930, ed. Langan, Mary and Schwarz, Bill (London, 1985), 7–32Google Scholar. For the new liberalism in education, see Heathorn, Stephen, For Home, Country, and Race: Constructing Gender, Class, and Englishness in the Elementary School, 1880–1914 (Toronto, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hendrick, Harry, Images of Youth: Age, Class, and the Male Youth Problem, 1880–1920 (Oxford, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ Hall and Schwartz, “State and Society,” 11, 21. See also McClelland, Keith and Rose, Sonya, “Citizenship and Empire, 1867–1928,” in At Home with the Empire: Metropolitan Culture and the Imperial World, ed. Hall, Catherine and Rose, Sonya O. (Cambridge, 2006), 275–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Ong, Aihwa, “Cultural Citizenship as Subject-Making: Immigrants Negotiate Racial and Cultural Boundaries in the United States,” Anthropology 37, no. 5 (December 1996): 737–62Google Scholar, esp. 738. Ong draws on Foucault's, concept of “governmentality” as a corrective to the state-centered analysis of Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer in The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (New York, 1985)Google Scholar.

¹³ For some students, the Polytechnic's dynamism would have encouraged a consciousness of the present as a “period of both transformation and transition.” It followed then that class realities were also subject to change. For the modern consciousness of the present as always in transition, see Daunton, Martin and Rieger, Bernhard, “Introduction,” in Meanings of Modernity: Britain from the Late-Victorian Era to World War II, ed. Daunton, Martin and Rieger, Bernhard (Oxford, 2001), 1–21, esp. 5.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Some students were successful in changing their economic status and even crossing class boundaries. See Stevenson, Julie, “‘Among the qualifications of a good wife, a knowledge of cookery certainly is not the least desirable’ (Quintin Hogg): Women and the Curriculum at the Polytechnic at Regent Street, 1888–1913,” History of Education 26, no. 3 (1997): 267–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 285. For an analysis of modernity with reference to upwardly mobile youth who “straddled” working- and lower-middle-class identities, see Hammerton, A. James, “Pooterism or Partnership? Marriage and Masculine Identity in the Lower Middle Class, 1870–1920, Journal of British Studies 38, 3 (July 1999): 291–321CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed, esp. 313–14; and Bailey, Peter, “White Collars, Gray Lives? The Lower Middle Class Revisited,” Journal of British Studies 38, 3 (July 1999): 273–90, esp. 288.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵ This approach draws on the insights of scholars who have complicated T. H. Marshall's classic teleology of civil, political, and social rights and the “fixed” quality of judicial and legal status. See Canning, Kathleen and Rose, Sonya, “Introduction: Gender, Citizenship and Subjectivity: Some Historical and Theoretical Considerations,” Gender and History 13, no. 3 (November 2001): 427–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 428.

¹⁶ Finger, Charles J., Seven Horizons (Garden City, NY, 1930), 82–91Google Scholar. Finger omits most dates from his autobiography. The earliest (but, by no means definitive) reference I have found for Finger at the Polytechnic is 1887, when he gave a paper to the Mutual Improvement Society in defense of women's suffrage. See Home Tidings 10 (2 April 1887), 117 (UWA). All issues of Home Tidings and the Polytechnic Magazine are located at AWA.

¹⁷ Finger, , Seven Horizons, 83Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Finger became a successful author of young adult adventure stories, winning a Newbery Medal in 1924. See Finding Aid, “Information about Charles J. Finger: Correspondence, Diaries, and Manuscripts, 1893–1987,” processed in 1989, University of Arkansas Library, Special Collections, Manuscript Collection 639. http://libinfo.uark.edu/specialcollections/findingaids/finger.html#INFORMATION_ABOUT_CHARLESJ.

¹⁹ Finger, , Seven Horizons, 83, 90–91Google Scholar, 129, 136. Hogg announced the party's departure for Chile in Polytechnic Magazine 16 (20 February 1890): 111. Hogg later recalls this event in Polytechnic Magazine 30 (6 January 1897): 2. Finger, however, does not mention the party in his autobiography.

²⁰ Hamilton, Alys L. Douglas, Kynaston Studd (London, 1953), 38–40, 49–57Google Scholar; Studd, R. G., The Holiday Story (London, 1950), 18, 87–89Google Scholar.

²¹ Hailsham, Viscount, “Introduction,” in Robert Mitchell: A Life of Service, by Wood, Ethel M. (London, 1934), ixGoogle Scholar; and Wood, Robert Mitchell, 1.

²² Finger, , Seven Horizons, 129Google Scholar; see also the annual testimonials in the Polytechnic Magazine given at Founder's Day celebrations following Hogg's death in 1903.

²³ Very few of Hogg's papers remain. Ethel M. (Hogg) Wood's two biographies of her father are the richest source of information on his private life. See Hogg, Quintin Hogg; and Wood, Ethel M. (Hogg), The Polytechnic and Its Founder Quintin Hogg (London, 1932)Google Scholar. Other rich sources for Hogg's views are the Polytechnic Magazine and its predecessor Home Tidings. See also Lunn's, Henry S. remarks in Chapters from My Life: With Special Reference to Reunion (London, 1918), 137–41Google Scholar.

²⁴ Ethel Hogg writes extensively about Hogg's religious beliefs in Quintin Hogg. See also Lunn, , Chapters from My Life, 140–41Google Scholar.

²⁵ Quintin Hogg's Eton friends, Thomas Pelham and Arthur Kinnaird, became important philanthropists in their own rights. Hogg worked, in this capacity, with Lord Shaftsbury and his “shoeblack brigade.” See Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 47–63Google Scholar.

²⁶ Ibid., 79, 91–94, 225.

²⁷ Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 206, 224–25Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Leon Playfair's 1895 New Year's Eve speech to the Polytechnic, recounted in Polytechnic Magazine 36 (27 June, 1900): 301. Playfair began this “crusade” in 1851.

²⁹ Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 71–100Google Scholar; Weeden, Brenda, History of the Royal Polytechnic Institution 1838–1881: The Education of the Eye (Cambridge, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ For a discussion of students, members, fees, and population numbers at the Polytechnic, see Hogg, Quintin Hogg, 228. With regard to public funds, Hogg still wielded considerable influence as a charity commissioner and chairman of the Technical Education Board of the LCC. See Hogg, Quintin, 224, 255. For the governance of the Polytechnic and distribution of grants, see Wood, , A History of the Polytechnic (London, 1965), 138–42Google Scholar. See also Belcher, Victor, The City Parochial Foundation, 1891–1991: A Trust for the Poor of London (London, 1991)Google Scholar. The LCC took an interest in (without, it seems, funding) the travel initiatives of the Polytechnics. See Polytechnics Sub Committee, Minutes, Battersea Polytechnic, 13 May 1896, LMA, TEB 36, 26 September 1894 to 10 November 1897. For the 1894 statistics, see Harris, Reverend Isidore, M.A., “An Interview with Mr. Quintin Hogg, Founder and President of the Polytechnic,” Great Thoughts 12 (July 1894): 216–18Google Scholar.

³¹ For the YWCI, see Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 237–39Google Scholar; Jackson, Wendy, “The Development of Commercial Education in London between 1870 and 1920, with Particular Reference to Women and Girls” (Master's diss., Institute of Education, University of London, 1997)Google Scholar; Stevenson, Julie, “A Neglected Issue in the History of Education and Training: Women Students of University College London and the Polytechnic at Regent Street, ca. 1870–1930” (PhD diss., Thames Valley University, London, 1996)Google Scholar, and “Among the qualifications of a good wife,” 267–86. For Hogg's views on “mixing the sexes,” see Harris, “An Interview with Mr. Quintin Hogg,” 217. For “rescue” work and the problem of “girls,” see Hendrick, , Images of Youth, 174Google Scholar.

³² Beaven, Brad, Leisure, Citizenship and Working-Class Men in Britain, 1850–1945 (Manchester, 2005), 7Google Scholar; Lunn, Henry, Letters to the Editor, Polytechnic Magazine 17 (30 October 1890): 288Google Scholar; Archdeacon Farrar marshals police statistics to support these views in “The Regent Street Polytechnic,” Magazine of Christian Literature 7 (November 1892): 97–109.

³³ For reformers’ emphasis on civic over class identities and social citizenship over political citizenship, see Hendrick, , Images of Youth, 237–38Google Scholar; and Heathorn, For Home, Country, and Race, 24–26. This was the identical aim of progressives on municipal boards that controlled the distribution of grants to the Polytechnic, such as the LCC. See Waters, Chris, “Progressives, Puritans, and the Cultural Politics of the Council, 1889–1914,” in Politics of the People of London: The London County Council, 1889–1965, ed. Saint, Andrew (London, 1989), 49–70Google Scholar, esp. 57.

³⁴ Hendrick, , Images of Youth (Oxford, 1990), 164–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Lunn drew links between nationalism, citizenship, and muscular Christianity, e.g., in “The Survival of the Fittest,” Polytechnic Magazine 17 (23 October 1890), 261.

³⁵ Goodlad, Lauren M. E., Victorian Literature and the Victorian State: Character and Governance in a Liberal Society (Baltimore, 2003), 37–39Google Scholar. For the Polytechnic's “pastoral” work, see Hogg, Quintin, “Polytechnics,” Journal of the Society of Arts 45 (July 1896–97): 857–63Google Scholar, esp. 62; Buckland, Reverend A. R., “Apostles to Young Men,” Quiver 12 (1894): 883–86, esp. 886Google Scholar; Farrar, Archdeacon, “The Regent Street Polytechnic,” Magazine of Christian Literature 7 (November 1892): 97–109Google Scholar; and Harris, “An Interview with Mr. Quintin Hogg,” 216–18. For Hogg and identity, see Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 206, 285–91Google Scholar.

³⁶ Hogg, Quintin Hogg, 369; Harris, “An Interview with Mr. Quintin Hogg,” 216; Tooley, Sarah A., “The Polytechnic Movement: An Interview with Mr. Quintin Hogg,” Young Man, no. 1 (May 1895): 145–50, esp. 147Google Scholar.

³⁷ Lunn, , Chapters From My Life, 138Google Scholar; Koven, Seth, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London (Princeton, NJ, 2004), 4–6Google Scholar.

³⁸ Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 291Google Scholar.

³⁹ Ibid., 405–6.

⁴⁰ George Ives Diaries, 7 June 1903, Harry Ransom Center, no. 43, 15–16. I am grateful to Brian D. A. Lewis for providing this information from his current research on Ives and “interpreting” Ives's compelling (but, as of yet, “inconclusive”) evidence.

⁴¹ For the criminalization of homosexuality, see Cocks, H. G., Nameless Offences: Homosexual Desire in the Nineteenth Century (London, 2003)Google Scholar. For the conjoining of religion and sex that youth-oriented, homosocial environments facilitated, see Gustav-Wrathall, John Donald, “Intense Friendship,” in Take the Young Stranger by the Hand: Same-Sex Relations and the YMCA (Chicago, 1998)Google Scholar; and Cocks, H. G., “A Strange and Indescribable Feeling: Unspeakable Desires in Late Victorian England,” chap. 5 in Cocks, Nameless OffencesGoogle Scholar.

⁴² For Ives's comment on homosexual encounters at the Polytechnic, see Cook, Matt, London and the Culture of Homosexuality, 1885–1914 (Cambridge, 2003), 147Google Scholar.

⁴³ Remarking on this partnership, Hogg commended the “Poly Council” for their “self sacrificing lives … who have thought the Institute worth living for and working for.” See “The Quintinian,” supplement, Polytechnic Magazine 21 (November 1892): ii.

⁴⁴ Tooley, “The Polytechnic Movement, 145–50, esp. 146–47; Hogg, Quintin Hogg, 237.

⁴⁵ The magazine had its start as Home Tidings at the YMCI's earlier location at Long Acre. Hogg originally edited it himself but later hired Samson Clark, a professional editor and possibly a Polytechnic member.

⁴⁶ “A Chat with Dr. H. S. Lunn,” Polytechnic Magazine 26 (13 March 1895):159. On the Polytechnic's global community, see, in addition to the above, Lunn, Chapters from My Life, 140. For the Polytechnic's broader social mission, see Lunn, , in “Letters to the Editor,” Polytechnic Magazine 17 (30 October 1890): 288Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Englishman, A Good, “Going to Europe,” Polytechnic Magazine 25 (29 August 1894): 115Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ See, e.g., Home Tidings 10 (22 January 1887): 29; 10 (26 March 1887): 109; and 13 (6 September 1888): 155. See also Polytechnic Magazine 14 (28 February 1889): 122; 14 (23 May 1889): 297; 16 (21 August 1890): 122; 16 (16 January 1890): 34–35; 16 (15 May 1890): 315; 20 (26 February 1892): 141; 22 (26 April 1893): 326; and 40 (22 January 1902): 33.

⁴⁹ Good Englishman, “Going to Europe,” 115. The “Good Englishman’s” views may have been influenced by the writings of Matthew Arnold and John Stuart Mill. As Georgios Varouxakis argues, a significant thread in their writings advocated adopting the “complementary” traits of other countries to improve one's own. Varouxakis dubs this discourse “complementarity.” See Varouxakis, , Victorian Political Thought on France and the French (Basingstoke, 2002), 12–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁰ “What Our Neighbors Are Doing,” Polytechnic Magazine 41 (9 July 1902): 20. See the extended discussion of German industry in “Made in Germany,” Polytechnic Magazine 29 (23 September 1896): 124. Polytechnic Magazine complains about the Education Department's laissez-faire approach to educational travel in comparison with other “governments” in its issue 35 (29 November 1899): 280.

⁵¹ Home Tidings 232 (17 December 1887): 208.

⁵² See periodic lists of library acquisitions in the Polytechnic Magazine; newspaper clipping, 22 January 1896, UWA, Reading Circle Press Cuttings, v. 1893–1899, 67.

⁵³ “Mr. C. E. Musgrave: Lecture,” Polytechnic Magazine 12 (1 March 1888): 92Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Murdoch, Lydia describes a similar educational environment in poor law schools in Imagined Orphans: Poor Families, Child Welfare, and Contested Citizenship in London (New Brunswick, 2006), 130–36Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Polytechnic Magazine 32 (10 January 1898): 19; and 30 (27 January 1897): 34.

⁵⁶ Polytechnic Magazine 40 (22 January 1902): 33, 38. See also Polytechnic Magazine 40 (29 January 1902): 47. In addition, see Morgan, Cecilia, “‘A Wigwam to Westminster’: Performing Mohawk Identity in Imperial Britain, 1890–1990s,” Gender and History 15, no. 2 (August 2003): 319–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 320; and Brant-Sero's, interview with the Daily News, republished in the Journal of American Folk-Lore 18 (April–June 1905): 160–62Google Scholar. For Britain's racial diversity, see Tabili, Laura, “A Homogeneous Society? Britain's Internal ‘Others,’ 1800-Present,” in Hall and Rose, At Home with the Empire, 53–76Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ For government oversight of language courses at the Polytechnic, London Polytechnic Council, “‘A’ Entries for the Current Session Minutes for the Years 1897–1900,” 19 November 1897, 6, LMA, TEB 33. Earlier in the decade, the LCC refused to fund the Polytechnic's modern language classes as they were not deemed “technical.” See Polytechnics Sub Committee, Minutes, Regent Street Polytechnic, 7 July 1897, LMA, TEB 36, 26 September 1894 to 10 November 1897.

⁵⁸ Hooper, George N., An Address on General and Special Education Delivered to the Students and Teachers of the Carriage Building Technical Class of the Young Men's Christian Association (London: private publication), 1894Google Scholar, London School of Economics (LSE) Pamphlet Collection, L/289. The Polytechnic's Labour Bureau offered similar advice in C. J. Peer and P. H. Clephane, Business Guide and Civil Service Guide (1906), BL.

⁵⁹ Polytechnic Magazine 2 (25 May 1898): 245. See similar stories of students using their language skills for professional advancement can be found in Home Tidings 7 (21 November 1885): 363–64; and Polytechnic Magazine 34 (21 June 1899): 312.

⁶⁰ Home Tidings 10 (13 March 1886): 243.

⁶¹ Administrators and students tried to formalize the idea of “Poly consuls” and periodically printed the names and addresses of students abroad. See, e.g., Polytechnic Magazine 38 (30 January 1901): 50; and “Our Foreign Legion,” Polytechnic Magazine 52 (January 1913): 221. See also “Our Foreign Legion” in both Polytechnic Magazine 46 (June 1906): 58, and 52 (January 1913): 221. For instances of networking, see, e.g., May's, Ralph offer to help “especially Poly boys” in Polytechnic Magazine 41 (9 July 1902): 15Google Scholar. Similar networks for an earlier period are analyzed in Lester, Alan, Imperial Networks: Creating Identities in Nineteenth-Century South Africa and Britain (London, 2001)Google Scholar.

⁶² For the “Poly colony” in Fort Collins, Colorado, see Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 405Google Scholar; and Home Tidings 7 (21 November 1885): 363. Hogg also founded a “Poly colony” in Fort Qu’Appelle, Assiniboia, Canada, ca. 1884; see Polytechnic Magazine 41 (9 July 1902): 15.

⁶³ Newspaper clipping (n.d.) UWA, Reading Circle Press Cuttings, v. 1893–1899, P157a, 58.

⁶⁴ “The Quintinian,” supplement, Polytechnic Magazine 28 (5 February 1896): 74.

⁶⁵ Quintin Hogg to the Secretary, Department of Science & Art, South Kensington [1897], UWA, pt 1/2/6.

⁶⁶ See, e.g., Home Tidings 7 (15 August 1885): 97.

⁶⁷ Home Tidings 11 (6 August 1887): 42; “Holiday Resorts,” Polytechnic Magazine 12 (31 May 1888): 302.

⁶⁸ “Strangers in a Foreign Land,” Home Tidings 9 (24 July 1886): 53–55.

⁶⁹ Andrew, J. W. quoted in L. C. B. Seaman, The Quintin School, 1886–1956: A Brief History, pt. 3, Pioneers, 1886–1919 (Chertsey, 1957), 1Google Scholar. This was reformatted for online access in 2005 by A. E. Beck (1939–46) and H. V. Beck (1935–42) at http://www.polyboys.org.uk/X08_RSP/X08B_QSH/X08B_QSH_000.htm.

⁷⁰ Studd, , The Holiday Story, 5, 13Google Scholar.

⁷¹ For the Paris Exhibition tour statistics, see Lunn, Henry, “The Polytechnic Invasion of Norway,” in Review of Reviews (London) 4 (August 1891): 181–84, esp. 181Google Scholar.

⁷² Polytechnic Magazine 14 (3 January 1889): 59. Also see “The Plumbers’ Week in Paris: By One of Them,” Polytechnic Magazine 15 (18 July 1889): 33–34Google Scholar.

⁷³ See, e.g., Polytechnic Magazine 32 (23 March 1898): 150; 47 (November 1907): 148; “German Class Students’ Tour to the Rhine” 34 (15 February 1899): 79; and “French,” 53 (June 1913): 101. For the tour of Vienna, see “Students’ Tour,” Polytechnic Magazine 53 (March 1913): 24. For more on the involvement of the Polytechnic's faculty in conducting study-abroad tours, see Seaman, , Pioneers, 1886–1919, 4Google Scholar; For other student and faculty tours, see Polytechnic Magazine 47 (November 1907): 148; and 14 (3 January 1889): 59.

⁷⁴ Printed pamphlet (1892) in section titled “The Power Institute for Technical Education, Its Genesis and Status,” UWA, Reading Circle Press Cuttings, v. 1893–99, P157a, 47.

⁷⁵ Stead, William, “Co-Operative Travelling: The Work of the Toynbee Travellers’ Club and the Polytechnic Cheap Trips,” Review of Reviews (London) 5 (June 1892): 619–28Google Scholar. The new liberal theme of “mutual respect” and “reliance” is echoed in student travel reports. See, e.g., E.W.W., “The Rhine Tour,” Polytechnic Magazine 35 (27 September 1899): 151. For middle-class travel collectivities in a broader European context, see Kosher, Rudy, German Travel Cultures (Oxford, 2000), 22–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Lest some students neglect to make the most of their holidays, Dexter, J. S. argues that healthful recreation produces better workers in “Educational Advantages of the Summer Holidays,” Polytechnic Magazine 35 (1 November 1899): 227Google Scholar.

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⁷⁷ “Co-Operative & Educational Holiday Tours, 1895,” Brochure 1895. BL. See also the collection of Polytechnic Co-Operative and Educational Brochures for 1897 at the Thomas Cook Archive, TCG/BK 12/1. In 1896 the P.T.A. arranged the tours for about twelve thousand tourists. See Wood, , The Polytechnic and Its Founder Quintin Hogg, 155Google Scholar.

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⁷⁹ The brochure makes special reference to the “educational experts” Lyon Playfair and Anthony Mundela. See the Polytechnic Co-Operative and Educational Brochures for 1897, Thomas Cook Archive, Petersborough, TCG/BK12/1. For the Polytechnic's hostility toward Thomas Cook & Son, see Studd's reference to Cook's travel “monopoly” and luxurious “European Tours” for the upper classes in Studd, Holiday Story, 16–17. See also “Co-Operative & Educational Holiday Tours, from February till September 1895,” 15, Polytechnic Travel Brochure, BL. See similar testimonials in Polytechnic Magazine 23 (30 August 1893), 576: 27 (10 July 1895), 20; and 30 (24 March 1897): 147. For the significance of mass tours in ordinary tourists lives, see Löfgren, Orvar, On Holiday: A History of Vacationing (Berkeley, CA, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁰ Studd, The Holiday Story, 33, 35, 113. For a contemporary description of a “reunion,” see “Grand Conversazione and Reunion of the Norway and Swiss Parties,” Polytechnic Magazine 25 (28 November 1894): 304–7Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Wiles, George, “The Quintinian,” Polytechnic Magazine 29, suppl. (5 August 1896): 63Google Scholar.

⁸² Beckham, Arthur, “Bad Luck,” in “The Quintinian,” supplement, Polytechnic Magazine 35 (4 October 1899): 167Google Scholar. For a nuanced textual analysis of colonial “failures,” see Thomas, Nicholas and Eves, Richard, Bad Colonists: The South Seas Letters of Vernon Lee Walker and Louis Becke (Durham, NC, 1999)Google Scholar.

⁸³ Here, Hogg referred to the letters of East End workingmen, printed in the Polytechnic Magazine, who had tried their fortunes in the colonies. See Home Tidings 8 (13 March 1886): 242–44.

⁸⁴ For British youth and imperial identities, see Tosh, John, “Manliness, Masculinities and the New Imperialism, 1880–1900,” chap. 9 in Manliness and Masculinities in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Harlow, 2005).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ For the characteristics of boys’ literature or “romances” in the context of collaborative authorship, see Koestenbaum, Wayne, Double Talk: The Erotics of Male Literary Collaboration (New York, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Homfray, Don, “The Quintinian,” Polytechnic Magazine 35, suppl. (August 1899). 66Google Scholar. Homfray's reference to the “rough” passengers asserts his own respectability by comparison. For working-class respectability, see Bailey, Peter, “A Role Analysis of Working-Class Respectability: Will the Real Bill Banks Please Stand Up,” chap. 2 in Popular Culture and Performance in the Victorian City (Cambridge, 1998).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Homfray, Don, “The Quintinian,” Polytechnic Magazine 35, suppl. (1 November 1899): 220Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ For an example, see Lello's, Sid travels and death in Polytechnic Magazine 31 (15 September 1897): 97–98Google Scholar; also see “The Quintinian,” Polytechnic Magazine 31, suppl. (November 1897): 182Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Hubbard, James, Polytechnic Magazine 45 (May 1905): 41Google Scholar; and 52 (January 1913): 221.

⁹⁰ For the Polytechnic's imperial tone in continental travel reports, see printed pamphlet (1892) in section titled “The Power Institute for Technical Education, Its Genesis and Status,” UWA, Reading Circle Press Cuttings, v. 1893–99, P157a, 47; see also Home Tidings (8 August 1885): 84; 7 (10 October 1885): 235–37; 9 (24 July 1886): 53–55; and 10 (16 April, 1887): 130–31, continued in (28 May 1887): 178–79.

⁹¹ See, “Patriotism or ___?” Polytechnic Magazine 35 (1 November 1899): 225Google Scholar. Archdeacon Sinclair preached humility as English travelers tend to “march about as if everything belonged to themselves,” in “Notes of Last Sunday's Address” in Polytechnic Magazine 28 (29 January 1896): 57.

⁹² Authorial anonymity, collaborative or otherwise, conferred the symbolic power of a collective identity to the Polytechnic's travel narratives. See Koestenbaum, Double Talk.

⁹³ The reading circle described its group tour and collaborative report as a community-building process in “The Rhine Tour,” Polytechnic Magazine 35 (27 September 1899): 151.

⁹⁴ Home Tidings 9 (4 September 1886): 156–57.

⁹⁵ Chirico, David, “The Travel Narrative as a (Literary) Genre,” in Under Eastern Eyes: A Comparative Introduction to East European Travel Writing on Europe, ed. Bracewell, Wendy and Drace-Francis, Alex (Budapest, 2008), 27–59, esp. 50.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Brochure of the Polytechnic Co-Operative & Holiday Tours, 1895, BL. For the language of travel communities, see, as well, “Swiss Trips” and “Madeira Trips,” Polytechnic Magazine 17 (26 June 26 1890): 408–15Google Scholar; Lunn, , “The Polytechnic Invasion of Norway,” 181–84; and Hogg, “Social Salvation,” in Letters to the Editor, Polytechnic Magazine 17 (13 November 1890): 317Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Hogg, , Polytechnic Magazine 32 (23 March 1898): 150Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Home Tidings 2 (January 1881): 18–20. The meeting concluded with a resolution in the mechanic's favor, although it was amended the following meeting giving each class and occupational group 20 percent membership. Student-members enjoyed access to various educational courses, as well as clubs, athletic facilities, and other institutional amenities.

⁹⁹ Manual workers comprised 85 percent of the student body in the early 1880s. See Home Tidings 2 (January 1881): 18. See also Cotgrove, Steven, Technical Education and Social Change (London, 1958), 61Google Scholar. However, by 1900, the occupational ratio shifted in favor of clerks and professions. See Jackson, “The Development of Commercial Education,” 59. For further statistics related to students’ social class and income, see Stevenson, “A Neglected Issue,” 126–27.

¹⁰⁰ “Regent Street,” in The London Encyclopedia, rev. ed., Weinreb, Ben and Hibbert, Christopher (London, 1995), 660–62Google Scholar; Hobhouse, Hermoine, “An Avenue of Superfluities,” in A History of Regent Street (London, 1975), 82–107Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ For an analysis of the “popular tropes” that likened university settlements to colonies and slums to jungles, see Koven, , Slumming, 236–37Google Scholar; and Walkowitz, Judith R., “Urban Spectatorship,” chap. 1 in City of Dreadful Delights: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late-Victorian London (Chicago, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the class composition of the Polytechnic Day School, see Seaman, L. C. B., The Quintin School, 1886–1956: A Brief History, pt. 2, Foundation (Chertsey: Burrell & Son, 1957), 2Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Seaman, , Pioneers, 1886–1919, 12–15Google Scholar; Hogg, , Quintin Hogg, 151–53Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Seaman, , Pioneers, 1886–1919, 5Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Inquisitor, , “Things I Would Like to Know,” Polytechnic Magazine 40 (25 June 1902): 266Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid., Polytechnic Magazine 40 (18 June 1902): 207.

¹⁰⁶ Polytechnic Magazine 32 (23 March 1898): 150.

¹⁰⁷ Inquisitor, “Things I Would Like to Know,” Polytechnic Magazine 40 (18 June 1902): 257.

¹⁰⁸ “Holidays—A Suggestion,” Polytechnic Magazine 16 (5 June 1890): 364Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ F.G.H., , “Letter to the Editor,” Polytechnic Magazine 26 (12 June 1895): 301Google Scholar; Dredge, Robert, “Re Holiday Homes,” in Letters to the Editor, Polytechnic Magazine 26 (19 June 1895): 320Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Morley, H., “Is the Social Element in the Poly Neglected?” in Letters to the Editor, Polytechnic Magazine 21 (21 December 1892): 425Google Scholar. See also, Morley, , “Social Life in the Institute,” in Letters to the Editor, Polytechnic Magazine 22 (15 February 1893): 144Google Scholar; and Flower, Herbert J., “The Social Question,” in Letters to the Editor,” Polytechnic Magazine 29 (23 September 1896): 124Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Hogg, , Polytechnic Magazine 29 (7 October 1896): 146Google Scholar. In 1899, the Poly home at Westcliff-on-Sea offered a “free holiday” to Polytechnic students unable to afford its nominal rates. See Polytechnic Magazine 35 (26 July 1899): 57.

¹¹² Hogg, , Polytechnic Magazine 29 (7 October 1896): 146Google Scholar.

¹¹³ See the reference to “one of our lady students” who had passed the Royal College of Surgeons exam, in Polytechnic Magazine 21 (29 September, 1892): 146; Albert Shaw, “A Model Working-Girls’ Club,” Scribner's Magazine (American) 11 (February 1892): 169–77, esp. 173.

¹¹⁴ For YWCI student suffrage demands, see a series of Letters to the Editor titled “Why Not?” in Polytechnic Magazine, including 21 (8 September 1892): 116; 21 (29 September 1892): 152; 21 (30 November 1892): 347; and 21 (9 November 1892): 279. For the Polytechnic's parliamentary debates on the “Women Question,” see “In Parliament,” Society & Club Reports, Polytechnic Magazine 14 (31 January 1889): 65Google Scholar; The Clerk of the House, “Sisters and Sociability,” Letters to the Editor, Polytechnic Magazine 36 (14 February 1900): 84; “Polytechnic Parliament,” Polytechnic Magazine 21 (27 October 1892): 230.

¹¹⁵ Sister, “Why Not,” Letters to the Editor, Polytechnic Magazine 21 (8 September 1892): 116. After Hogg's death in 1903, fewer debates appeared in the magazine. The magazine's publishing schedule changed from a weekly to a monthly publication, and the page reserved for the sister institute was reduced to a column and sometimes expunged altogether. Occasionally, however, references to the women's suffrage movement managed to surface, such as a report on the sisters’ meeting of the Mutual Improvement Society, in which a Miss Buckner gave a paper in support of the suffragists “militant tactics.” See Polytechnic Magazine 48 (27 February 1909): 222.

¹¹⁶ Stead, “Co-Operative Travelling.” In contrast, women played a central role in the development of the Toynbee Settlement's travel programs. See Copelman, Dina, London's Women Teachers: Gender, Class and Feminism, 1870–1930 (London, 1996), 174Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ YWCI students complained that there was little news in the Polytechnic Magazine that concerned them, which they interpreted as another exclusion. See Polytechnic Magazine 17 (20 November 1890): 327. For a group tour, see “How a Lady Views It,” Polytechnic Magazine 17 (18 September 1890): 179. For discursive considerations, see Foster, Shirley and Mills, Sara, “Introduction,” in An Anthology of Women's Travel Writings (Manchester, 2002)Google Scholar. For “Miss Milligan,” see Polytechnic Magazine 32 (27 April 1898): 202.

¹¹⁸ Sidney Webb commended those who rose out of the “ranks” in “Distribution of Prizes to the Architectural and Engineering Students,” Polytechnic Magazine 32 (12 January 1898): 32. Even the Polytechnic's career guide recommended immigration as the only certain relief from the “rule” of “cast.” See C. J. Peer and P. H. Clephane, Business Guide and Civil Service Guide (1906), 11, BL. Note, too, that social differentiations riddled tours. Hogg stated that “poorer lads” had access to Brighton holidays with “people of their own station,” while the “better off” enjoyed “foreign trips.” See Harris, “An Interview,” 218.

¹¹⁹ Spalding, Albert J., “The Employment of Women,” Polytechnic Magazine 16 (5 June 1890): 364Google Scholar. Seth Koven shows how “sex wars” reconfigured masculine identities in Slumming, 229. For lower-middle-class masculine identities that adjusted to modernity by dignifying married life in the suburbs, see Hammerton, “Pooterism or Partnership?” This perspective rarely surfaces in the Polytechnic Magazine, except in marriage announcements accompanied by “ball and chain” quips that poked fun at the groom. These marriage announcements competed with frequent references to the Polytechnic's “Bachelor Club.”

¹²⁰ Quintin Hogg, “Polytechnics,” 862.

¹²¹ “Radical Notes,” Polytechnic Magazine 23 (1 November 1893): 709.

¹²² Peer, C. J., “Social Salvation,” Polytechnic Magazine 17 (23 October 1890): 262–63Google Scholar.

¹²³ See Wim Neetens for Besant's “optimistic” (if more ambivalent) perspective on social change in “Problems of a ‘Democratic Text’: Walter Besant's Impossible Story, ” Novel 23 (Spring 1990): 247–64. For Besant and the People's Palace, see Simon Joyce, “Castles in the Air: The People's Palace, Cultural Reformism, and the East End Working Class,” Victorian Studies 39, no. 4 (Summer 1996): 513–38; Beaven, , Leisure, Citizenship and Working-Class Men, 30–33Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Besant, Walter, “The Upward Pressure (A Chapter from the History of the Twentieth Century),” Scribner's Magazine 13, no. 5 (May 1893): 585–96, esp. 596Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ Ibid., 592.

¹²⁶ LCC, TEB, “Regent Street Polytechnic,” Minutes of the Polytechnics Sub Committee, Minutes, 13 May 1896, LMA, TEB 36, 26 September 1894 to 10 November 1897.

¹²⁷ Arnold-Forster, Hugh Oakeley, The Citizen Reader (London: 1904), 164Google Scholar. For a discussion of Hugh Oakeley Arnold-Foster and an analysis of The Citizen Reader in the context of working-class elementary education, see Heathorn, , For Home, Country, and Race, 49–50Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Polytechnic Magazine records travel scholarships awarded to its students by outside governmental or civic bodies, such as a “travelling studentship” to learn foreign languages awarded by the Salters’ Company. See Polytechnic Magazine 40 (30 April 1902): 188. See also the development of study-abroad-teaching assistantships in Board of Education, Teacher Exchanges with Germany and France, 1905–1908, National Archives, Kew, ED 121/227 74844. For the new technological class, see Jeffrey, Tom, “A Place in the Nation: The Lower Middle Class in England,” in Splintered Classes: Politics and the Lower Middle Class in Interwar Europe, ed. Koshar, Rudy (New York, 1990), 70–95Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Besant condemned the “scholarship system” as undemocratic in Upward Pressure, 594.

¹³⁰ I have drawn this summation from Canning and Rose, “Identity,” 429.

¹³¹ Studd's father became chairman of both the institute and the P.T.A., maintaining the P.T.A.'s ties to the Polytechnic. See Studd, , The Holiday Story, 60, 104–5Google Scholar.

¹³² Urry, John, The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies (London, 1990), 27Google Scholar; also see Urry, John, Consuming Places (London, 1995), 165Google Scholar; and Beaven, , Leisure, Citizenship and Working-Class Men, 44Google Scholar; Sandra Dawson, however, shows that trade unionists viewed paid holidays as a “symbol of social as well as political citizenship” in “Working-Class Consumers and the Campaign for Holidays with Pay,” Twentieth Century British History, 18, no. 3 (January 2007): 1–29, esp. 5–6.

¹³³ The difficulty, of course, is that scholars have justly derided reformers attempts at social control through social citizenship, which tended to subordinate political rights to civic duty. The conundrum, as Vincent shows, is that by delinking social rights from civic duty in the twentieth century, passive entitlements have won out over active responsibility to one's community and “social solidarity.” Simony and Weinstein distill Vincent's argument in “Introduction,” in The New Liberalism, 24. One implication of this is that study abroad students who construct identities as “global citizens” today do so as an elite privilege.

¹³⁴ “Royal Commission on University Education in London,” First Report, British Parliamentary Papers, 1910, xxiii, 199–202, quoted in Cotgrove, Technical Education and Social Change, 64.