¹ Bossy, John, Christianity in the West, 1400–1700 (Oxford, 1985).Google Scholar Following on Bossy's analysis, see Heal, Felicity, Hospitality in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Susan Brigden, “Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London,” Past and Present, no. 103 (May 1984): 67–112; and Judith M. Bennett, “Conviviality and Charity in Medieval and Early Modern England,” Past and Present, no. 134 (November 1992): 19–41. Maria Moisà has taken issue with Bennett's analysis of help-ales as charity in “Debate: Conviviality and Charity in Medieval and Early Modern England,” Past and Present, no. 154 (February 1997): 223–34; Bennett's “Reply” importantly stresses the “complex contemporary significations” and social meanings of the term “charity”: Past and Present, no. 154 (February 1997): 235–42, quote on 236. See also Fideler, Paul, Social Welfare in Pre-industrial England (Basingstoke, 2006).CrossRefGoogle Scholar The notion of a “thick” ethical concept was one invoked by the philosopher Bernard Williams throughout his work; here it is my own gloss on Bossy's argument.

² This formulation, and the overall approach of the present article, takes inspiration from the work of James Tully. Tully has sought to further and to deepen the approach to the history of political thought developed over the past four decades by Quentin Skinner, John Pocock, and others through an elaboration of Wittgenstein's analysis of the way concepts are applied through rules that remain fundamentally open-ended. See Tully, James, Public Philosophy in a New Key, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 2008), 1:15–131.Google Scholar

³ Andrew, Donna T., Philanthropy and Police: London Charity in the Eighteenth Century (Princeton, NJ, 1989), 5, 9–22Google Scholar, 42–43, and “On Reading Charity Sermons: Eighteenth-Century Anglican Solicitation and Exhortation,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 4 (October 1992): 581–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Andrew, “Charity Sermons,” and Philanthropy, 8. One of the advantages of analyzing the statements of charity sermons as mobilizations of various concepts and arguments for particular practical ends in particular contexts is that the question of how representative a given statement is not as much a concern.

⁵ The substance of Craig Rose's argument in his excellent “Evangelical Philanthropy and Anglican Revival: The Charity Schools of Augustan England, 1698–1740,” London Journal 16, no. 1 (1991): 35–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ See the essay by Moltchanova, Anna and Ottaway, Susannah, “Rights and Reciprocity in the Political and Philosophical Discourse of Eighteenth-Century England,” in The Culture of the Gift in Eighteenth-Century England, ed. Zionkowski, Linda and Klekar, Cynthia (Basingstoke, 2009), 15–36,CrossRefGoogle Scholar in which they castigate Locke and the promoters of the charity schools for not seeking for the poor “the full and subtle exercise of their … faculties” as the aim of their education, as demanded, ostensibly, by the notion of the natural rights of the poor, to which Locke at least subscribed (22). This essay otherwise contains valuable insights into the discourse surrounding the charity-school movement.

⁷ In a growing literature, see Hindle, Steve, “Power, Poor Relief and Social Relations in Holland Fen, c. 1600–1800,” Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 67–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Exhortation and Entitlement: Negotiating Inequality in English Rural Communities, 1550–1650,” in Negotiating Power in Early Modern Society: Order, Hierarchy, and Subordination in Britain and Ireland, ed. Braddick, Michael J. and Walter, John (Cambridge, 2001), 102–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wrightson, Keith, “The Politics of the Parish in Early Modern England,” in The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England, ed. Griffiths, Paul, Fox, Adam, and Hindle, Steve (Basingstoke, 1996), 10–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ There are similarities here between my analysis and Jad Smith's in “Charity Education and the Spectacle of ‘Christian Entertainment,’” in Zionkowski and Klekar, Culture of the Gift, 37–54. I would demur from Smith's conceptualization of some of the central issues involved in the schools, however, in particular that “charity education could mask structuring economic and pedagogic power relations in the guise of reputedly natural affective relations,” which provided a “legitimating myth of governance” (52). Charity education did not seek to mask social and pedagogic power relations as much as to create them, and also to legitimate them through social and moral argument, much of which was not “mythical” but consisted of extensions of social practices and understandings.

⁹ Circular Letter to the Correspondents of the SPCK (1712), Cambridge University Library (CUL), Add. MS 7, no. 59; An Account of Several Workhouses for Employing and Maintaining the Poor … as also of Several Charity schools for Promoting Work, and Labour (London, 1725), 29Google Scholar; and SPCK Abstract of Correspondence, CUL, SPCK.MS D3/1, no. 161. See also Simonton, Deborah, “Schooling the Poor: Gender and Class in Eighteenth-Century England,” British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 23, no. 2 (September 2000): 183–202.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ See, e.g., Account of Charity schools (London, 1707), 8.Google Scholar In the provinces, only the school at York, which appears to have had the full backing of the local clergy, the municipal government, the archbishop, and other local notables, fully maintained forty boys. By 1712, several boarding charity schools appear to have been established in the provinces, at Beverly and Kinston-upon-Hull, in Yorkshire; at Stamford, Lincolnshire; at Stourbridge, Worcestershire; and at Wellingborough, Northamptonshire; but out of over 200 schools, these were a rather small minority. By 1725, some of the new parochial workhouses doubled as charity schools and some sent their children to local charity schools: see An Account of Several Workhouses, 62, 82.

¹¹ As a reputed anti-Trinitarian, Clarke was, of course, a controversial figure in eighteenth-century England, but his theology of the Godhead has no discernible bearing on his moral-theological analysis of charity, which expressed commonly held ideas.

¹² Jordan, W. K., The Charities of Rural England, 1480–1660 (London, 1961), 56–58.Google Scholar

¹³ See the SPCK Minutes, in A Chapter in English Church History: Being the Minutes of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge for the Years 1698–1704, ed. McClure, Edmund (London, 1888), 121Google Scholar (hereafter cited as ECH); SPCK Abs. Corr., in ECH, 304, 325; Hitchcock, Tim, “Paupers and Preachers: The SPCK and the Parochial Workhouse Movement,” in Stilling the Grumbling Hive: The Response to Social and Economic Problems in England, 1689–1750, ed. Davison, Lee, Hitchcock, Tim, Keirn, Tim, and Shoemaker, Robert (New York, 1992), 145–66.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Rose, “Evangelical Philanthropy,” 36; see also Jones, Mary Gladwys, The Charity School Movement: A Study of Eighteenth-Century Puritanism in Action (London, 1964), 15–27, 56–61.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Simon, Joan, “From Charity School to Workhouse in the 1720s: The SPCK and Mr. Marriot's Solution,” History of Education 17, no. 2 (June 1988): 113–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rose, Craig, “‘Seminarys of Faction and Rebellion’: Jacobites, Whigs and the London Charity Schools, 1716–1724,” Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (September 1991): 831–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ Rose, “Evangelical Philanthropy,” 38, 51; Jones, Charity School Movement, 41–56, 96–109.

¹⁷ Rose, “Evangelical Philanthropy,” 54; Tomkins, Alannah, The Urban Experience of Poverty, 1723–82: Parish, Charity and Credit (Manchester, 2006), 163–203.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Burlington School (St. James's Westminster) Minutes of the Trustees (1700–45; hereafter SJW), DD/991/1, rule no. 24 of “Rules to be read every monthly meeting,” back cover, Hammersmith and Fulham Archive (London).

¹⁹ SJW, DD/991/1, fol. 143.

²⁰ SJW, DD/991/1, fol. 19.

²¹ SJW, DD/991/2, fol. 132.

²² Slack, Paul, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1988), 37–55, 67–85.Google Scholar

²³ See, e.g., Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II-II, 32.2–3.

²⁴ Slack, Poverty, 30–31; Locke, John, “A Report to the Board of Trade,” in Political Writings, ed. Wootton, David (New York, 1994)Google Scholar; Bellers, John, Essays about the Poor (London, 1699), 2–3Google Scholar, and Proposals for Raising a Colledge of Industry (London, 1695), 2–4Google Scholar; SirHale, Matthew, A Discourse Touching Provision for the Poor (London, 1695)Google Scholar; Carey, John, An Essay towards regulating the Trade, and Employing the Poor (London, 1717).Google Scholar On parish apprenticeships, see Hindle, Steve, On the Parish? The Micro-politics of Poor Relief in Rural England, c. 1550–1750 (Oxford, 2004), chap. 3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁵ Slack, Paul, From Reformation to Improvement: Public Welfare in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999), 113–16, 127Google Scholar; Macfarlane, Stephen, “Social Policy and the Poor in the Later Seventeenth Century,” in London, 1500–1700: The Making of a Metropolis, ed. Beier, A. L. and Finlay, Roger (London, 1986), 252–77, esp. 253.Google Scholar

²⁶ Fissell, Mary, “Charity Universal? Institutions and Moral Reform in Eighteenth-Century Bristol,” in Davison et al., Stilling the Grumbling Hive, 121–41Google Scholar; Dabhoiwala, Faramerz, “Sex and Societies for Moral Reform, 1688–1800,” Journal of British Studies 46, no. 2 (April 2007): 290–319.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁷ See Gibson, Edmund (1716), in Twenty-Five Sermons Preached at the Anniversary Meetings of the Children Educated in the Charity schools in and about the Cities of London and Westminster (London, 1729), 279–303, quotation on 282.Google Scholar

²⁸ See SPCK Minutes, in ECH, 18; see also SPCK Abs. Corr., in ECH, 338.

²⁹ See SPCK Minutes, preamble, in ECH, 1; see also Moss (1708), Francis Gastrell (1707), Sir William Dawes (1713), David Waterland (1723), and Thomas Wilson (1724), all in Twenty-Five Sermons, 77–89, 98–102, 428–48, and 449–75, respectively; Orders To be observ’d by the Respective Mistresses of the Charity schools (n.p., n.d.); and Edmund Gibson, Directions, given to the Masters and Mistresses of the Charity Schools (1724), printed with Directions given to the Clergy in the Diocese of London in the year 1724, 2nd ed. (London, 1727), 108–21, esp. 110.Google Scholar

³⁰ SJW, DD/991/1, fols. 2, 15, 31, 46, 47, 54. The Whole Duty of Man, first published anonymously in 1658, was a central devotional work of Restoration and eighteenth-century Anglicanism.

³¹ Clarke, Samuel, “Duty of Charity,” Sermon 102 in The Works of Samuel Clarke, 4 vols. (London, 1739), 1:651.Google Scholar

³² See Innes, Joanna, “The ‘Mixed Economy of Welfare’ in Early Modern England: Assessments of the Options from Hale to Malthus (c. 1683–1803),” in Charity, Self-Interest and Welfare in the English Past, ed. Daunton, Martin (London, 1996), 139–80Google Scholar; Andrew, “Charity Sermons,” and Philanthropy, 8, 49. Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos cautions against taking eighteenth-century-associated charity as an entirely novel departure, arguing that it appropriated elements found in guild associations, for example: see The Culture of Giving: Informal Support and Gift-Exchange in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2008), 138.Google Scholar

³³ Tomkins, Urban Experience, 168.

³⁴ Circular Letter to the Correspondents of the SPCK (1712), CUL, Add. MS 7, no. 59; see also Mandeville, Bernard, “An Essay on Charity, and Charity schools” (1723), in Fable of the Bees, ed. Kaye, F. B., 2 vols. (1924; Indianapolis, 1988), 1:268–73, 285–90.Google Scholar

³⁵ See Fideler, Social Welfare, 8–36, which elucidates the notion of societas christiana in relation to the late medieval period.

³⁶ See, e.g., Samuel Clarke, “Of the Virtue of Charity,” Sermon 47 in Works, 1:294.

³⁷ See, e.g., Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, IaIIae 65.2, 90.2, IIaIIae 23.6–8, 25.1, 6 ad. 1, 26.6–12, 29.1, 31.1–3, 96.1. See also the discussion in Tierney, Brian, The Medieval Poor Law (Berkeley, 1959), 27–37, 63Google Scholar; Duby, Georges, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (1978; Chicago, 1980)Google Scholar; and Denton, Jeffrey, ed., Orders and Hierarchies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Europe (Toronto, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Fissell, “Charity Universal?”

³⁹ Rose, “‘Seminarys’”; Simon, “From Charity School to Workhouse”; Jones, Charity School Movement.

⁴⁰ Rose, “Evangelical Revival”; Spurr, John, The Restoration Church of England, 1646–1689 (New Haven, CT, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴¹ Hill, Christopher, The World Turned Upside Down (London, 1972)Google Scholar; on the Restoration and post-Restoration reassertion of hierarchical obedience and due subordination, see the summary treatment in Susan Kent, Kingsley, Gender and Power in Britain, 1640–1990 (London, 1996), 16–27.Google Scholar

⁴² Another example from Samuel Clarke: “The Nature of Relative Duties,” Sermon 49 in Works, 1:306–7.

⁴³ Clarke, “Of the Duty of Charity,” Sermon 102 in Works, 2:646.

⁴⁴ See the sermons of Robert Moss (1708), Samuel Bradford (1709), William Wake (1715), William Talbot (1717), and William Berriman (1725), all in Twenty-Five Sermons, 113, 130–31, 286, 305–6, 334–35, and 478–79, respectively; and Lucas, Richard, Nabal's Apology for Uncharitableness Examined (London, 1696), esp. 233–44.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Nelson, Robert, Some Reflections on the Necessity and Excellency of Christian Beneficence (1715)Google Scholar, appended to his Address to Persons of Quality (London, 1715), 222–23.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See Tully, James, A Discourse on Property: John Locke and His Adversaries (Cambridge, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Horne, T. A., Property Rights and Poverty: Political Argument in Britain, 1605–1834 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1990), 9–72.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Nelson, Reflections, 229.

⁴⁸ See Tully, James, An Approach to Political Philosophy: Locke in Contexts (Cambridge, 1993), 112–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Nelson's Reflections quite explicitly follows the same order of deduction as Locke.

⁴⁹ William Talbot (1717) and William Lupton (1718), both in Twenty-Five Sermons, 303–24 and 325–46, respectively.

⁵⁰ Nelson, Reflections, 232; Robert Moss (1707), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 99–113.

⁵¹ Wrightson, Keith, “Mutualities and Obligations: Changing Social Relationships in Early Modern England,” in Proceedings of the British Academy, vol. 139: 2005 Lectures (Oxford, 2006), 157–94Google Scholar; Heal, Hospitality; Muldrew, Craig, The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England (Basingstoke, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Amussen, Susan Dwyer, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (London, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁵² Ben-Amos, Culture of Giving, esp. 18–37, 58–74.

⁵³ See also Lloyd, Sarah, “Agents of Their Own Concerns? Charity and the Economy of Makeshifts in Eighteenth-Century Britain,” in The Poor in England, 1700–1850: An Economy of Makeshifts, ed. King, Steven and Tomkins, Alannah (Manchester, 2003), 100–136, esp. 123–27.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Slack, Poverty, 61–112.

⁵⁵ See Hindle, On the Parish? 146–48, 300–360.

⁵⁶ On the uses and ruses of the poor, see especially the groundbreaking work of Hitchcock, Tim, Down and Out in Eighteenth-Century London (London, 2005)Google Scholar, and, more abstractly, Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Stephen Rendall (Berkeley, 1984); on the “impossible power” of disposing the subject, see Gauchet, Marcel and Swain, Gladys, Madness and Democracy: The Modern Psychiatric Universe, trans. Porter, Catherine (1980; Princeton, NJ, 1999), 84–100.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Francis Gastrell (1707), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 85.

⁵⁸ See William Wake (1715) and Hugh Boulter (1722), both in Twenty-Five Sermons, 282 and 415, respectively; Lucas, Richard, “The Duties of Masters of Families” (1696), Sermon VII in Lucas, Twenty-four sermons, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (London, 1735), 2:185–208.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Whiston, William, Sermon Preached at Trinity Church in Cambridge (London, 1705), 12Google Scholar; White Kennett (1706), Francis Gastrell (1707), George Smallridge (1710), and William Dawes (1713), all in Twenty-Five Sermons, 60, 83, 169, and 216, respectively.

⁶⁰ White Kennett (1706) and William Dawes (1713), both in Twenty-Five Sermons, 56–57 and 220–21, respectively.

⁶¹ SPCK Abs. Corr., in ECH, 304; see also 276, 286.

⁶² Knight (1720), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 383.

⁶³ Gibson (1716), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 291; Fleetwood, William, The Relative Duties of Parents and Children, Husbands and Wives, Masters and Servants, 3rd ed. (1704; London, 1726), Discourse V, 71–87Google Scholar; see also Maidwell, Lewis, An Essay upon the Necessity and Excellency of Education (London, 1705), 11.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ben-Amos, Ilana Krausman, Adolescence and Youth in Early Modern England (New Haven, CT, 1994), 91.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Slack, Poverty, 82.

⁶⁶ See Ben-Amos, Adolescence; Wrightson, Keith, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven, CT, 2000), 50, 58.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ 39 Elizabeth I, c. 3 (1598), sec. iv; Slack, Poverty, 113–37; Hindle, On the Parish? 180, 191–226.

⁶⁸ Snell, K. D. M., Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660–1900 (Cambridge, 1985), 332CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ben-Amos, Adolescence, 59.

⁶⁹ This fee of £5 was certainly at the higher end of what was paid for charity-school apprenticeships in London and Westminster and was the maximum of what the trustees agreed to pay. Otherwise, apprenticeship fees ranged from 40s to £3: see Rose, “Evangelical Philanthropy,” 40.

⁷⁰ SJW, DD/991/1, fol. 147 (see also fols. 10 and 50); and DD/991/2, fols. 4, 149. On parish apprenticeships, see Snell, Annals, 284; and Hindle, On the Parish? 191–223.

⁷¹ SJW, DD/991/1, fol. 111; and DD/991/2, fol. 32.

⁷² See Ben-Amos, Adolescence, 103.

⁷³ Snell, Annals, 293; SJW, DD/991/1 and 2.

⁷⁴ Simonton, Deborah, “Earning and Learning: Girlhood in Pre-industrial Europe,” Women's History Review 13, no. 3 (September 2004): 363–86, esp. 379–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁵ Kennett (1706), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 56–57. On the issues of what might have been the material benefits of charity schools from the perspective of the poor, see Tomkins, Urban Experience, 163–203.

⁷⁶ Macfarlane, “Social Policy,” 259–60.

⁷⁷ Snell, Annals, 332; Hindle, On the Parish? 196–97.

⁷⁸ Slack, Poverty and Policy, 148–56.

⁷⁹ See Hale, Discourse, sig. A3, pp. 32–33; and Slack, Poverty, 83.

⁸⁰ Slack, Poverty, 80–85; Ben-Amos, Adolescence, 40–43; Hugh Cunningham, “The Employment and Unemployment of Children in England, c. 1680–1851,” Past and Present, no. 126 (February 1990): 115–50.

⁸¹ Wrightson, Earthly Necessities, 36, 308–20.

⁸² See n. 24 above; on charity schools, see The Christian Scholar: in Rules and Directions … especially design’d for the Poor Boys, Taught and Cloathed by Charity, 3rd ed. (London, 1704), 33–40Google Scholar; also see, e.g., Willis (1704), Twenty-Five Sermons, 29; and Orders To be observ’d.

⁸³ Whiston, Sermon, 15.

⁸⁴ Gibson (1716), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 289; see also Dawes (1713) and Talbot (1717), both in Twenty-Five Sermons, 220–21 and 321, respectively; Whiston, Sermon, 12; and A Memorial, concerning the Erecting … an Orphanotrophy (London, 1728), 17–18.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ The question of agency is explored in the excellent essay by Lloyd, “Agents.”

⁸⁶ Ibid., 107; Knight (1720), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 383.

⁸⁷ SPCK Abs. Corr., in ECH, 282, 304; see also Gastrell (1707), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 84.

⁸⁸ Lucas, Richard, The Duties of Servants, 3rd ed. (1688; London, 1710), 2–3.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Fleetwood, Relative Duties, 75–77.

⁹⁰ Hitchcock, Tim, ed., Richard Hutton's Complaints Book: The Notebook of the Steward of the Quaker Workhouse at Clerkenwell, London Record Society, vol. 24 (1987), 7–8Google Scholar, cited in Hitchcock, “Paupers and Preachers,” 157.

⁹¹ Orders Read and Given to Parents (London, 1708)Google Scholar; Knight (1720), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 383.

⁹² SJW, DD/991/1, fols. 19, 23.

⁹³ SJW, DD/991/1, fols. 50, 78; and DD/991/2, fol. 4.

⁹⁴ The Christian Scholar, 20–30.

⁹⁵ Ben-Amos, Adolescence.

⁹⁶ Lucas, Duty of Servants, 7.

⁹⁷ Kennett (1706), Gastrell (1707), and Snape (1711), all in Twenty-Five Sermons, 63, 89, and 192, respectively.

⁹⁸ SJW DD/991/2, fol. 13; see also SPCK Abs. Corr. in ECH, 286.

⁹⁹ See Lloyd, “Agents,” 111–117; some of the SPCK's correspondents recognized these problems readily enough: see the Third Circular Letter (1700), 67–69, and the SPCK Abs. Corr., 276, 304, both in ECH.

¹⁰⁰ SJW, DD/991/1, fols. 83, 87; and DD/991/2, fol. 3.

¹⁰¹ SJW, DD/991/1, fol. 30.

¹⁰² Ibid., fol. 61.

¹⁰³ SJW, DD/991/2, fol. 4.

¹⁰⁴ Jones, Charity School Movement, 105; Lloyd, “Agents,” 113.

¹⁰⁵ SPCK Abs. Corr., in ECH, 356. Whether relationships, formal or informal, were formed elsewhere between parish authorities and schools is a subject well worth investigating further. Steve Hindle has drawn my attention to one of the manorial orders given by Sir Richard Newdigate for the manor of Chilvers Coton and Griffe, dated 11 October 1704: “That whereas the Lord of the Manor hath given a certain sum to Henry Simes for the teaching of the poor children notwithstanding their parents do refuse or neglect to send them to school we doe therefore order that all parents of such children that make default forfeit: 5s” (Warwick County Records Office, CR136/B5165). 5s would have been a significant fine when “most of the poor cottiers in Chilvers Coton were paying peppercorn rents of well under 20s” (Hindle, e-mail message to author, 26 August 2009).

¹⁰⁶ Hindle, On the Parish? 224–26.

¹⁰⁷ Fleetwood, Relative Duties, 2–6; see also Ben-Amos, Culture of Giving, 152, which traces similar understandings in social interaction.

¹⁰⁸ Fleetwood, Relative Duties, 13.

¹⁰⁹ Willis (1704), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 11; see also Boulter (1722), ibid., 417.

¹¹⁰ See Account of Several Workhouses, iv–vi, 62, 89.

¹¹¹ Smalridge (1710), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 157; see also Willis (1704), ibid., 13.

¹¹² Kennett (1706), in Twenty-Five Sermons, 56–7; Dawes (1713), ibid., 215–16, 221; Waugh, John, The Duty of Apprentices and other Servants (London, 1713), 6–10.Google Scholar

¹¹³ SJW, DD/991/2, fol. 97.

¹¹⁴ Clarke, Sermon 18 in Works, 2: 507–12, quotation on 511.

¹¹⁵ SJW, DD/991/2, fol. 180. The imperative to enclose doubtless responded to the needs of a disciplinary space both inside and outside the schools, clearing the streets of the disorderliness of childhood “idleness”: see the Account of Several Workhouses, 35.

¹¹⁶ SJW, DD/991/2, fol. 205.

¹¹⁷ SJW, DD/991/1, fol. 70; see also DD/991/2, fol. 4.

¹¹⁸ SJW, DD/991/2, fol. 143.

¹¹⁹ SJW, DD/991/2, fols. 173–174, 205.

¹²⁰ Boulton, Jeremy, “‘It Is Extreme Necessity That Makes Me Do This’: Some ‘Survival Strategies’ of Pauper Households in London's West End during the Early Eighteenth Century,” in Household Strategies for Survival, 1600–2000: Fission, Faction and Cooperation, ed. Fontaine, Laurence and Schlumbohn, Jürgen, International Review of Social History, Supplement 8 (Cambridge, 2000), 47–70.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Account of Several Workhouses, 23.

¹²² Ibid., 69–70; see also 2, 9, 33–39, 57–58, 68–69, 74, 104; and Hindle, On the Parish? 186–91.

¹²³ SJW, DD/991/2, “Some Rules for the well Ordering of the Charity Schoole,” fol. 179.

¹²⁴ On this social language, see Wrightson, “Politics of the Parish,” and “‘Sorts of People’ in Tudor and Stuart England,” in The Middling Sort of People: Culture, Society and Politics in England, 1550–1800, ed. Barry, Jonathan and Brooks, Christopher (Basingstoke, 1994), 28–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lloyd, Sarah, “Pleasing Spectacles and Elegant Dinners: Conviviality, Benevolence and Charity Anniversaries in Eighteenth-Century London,” Journal of British Studies 41, no. 1 (January. 2002): 23–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Modern ideas of a “culture of poverty” replicate these early modern perceptions: see Valentine, Charles, Culture and Poverty: Critique and Counter-Proposal (Chicago, 1968)Google Scholar; and Jordan, Bill, Poor Parents: Social Policy and the “Cycle of Deprivation” (London, 1974)Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ Amussen, Ordered Society.

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