¹ The focus of this article, for reasons that will be obvious, is on the “gentleman's clubs” as opposed to the far more numerous “working men's clubs” in Britain and their counterparts in the empire. The emphasis here, moreover, is on social clubs as opposed to clubs that were formed for specific purposes such as the numerous “sporting clubs.”

² During the outbreak of war, however, some of the clubs in India, as in Britain, imposed certain restrictions on members from enemy countries. The Bengal Club, like the Oriental Club in London, put a ban on Europeans of German or Austrian descent in 1916; see Club Committee Meeting, 27 June 1916, Committee Proceedings of the Bengal Club, 1906–1919, Bengal Club Archives, Calcutta, India (BCA).

³ Panckridge, H. R., A Short History of the Bengal Club, 1827–1927 (Calcutta, 1927), p. 1Google Scholar, emphasis added.

⁴ Quoted in Hunt, Roland and Harrison, John, The District Officer in India, 1930–1947 (London, 1980), pp. 127–28Google Scholar.

⁵ Quoted in Allen, Charles, ed., Plain Tales from the Raj: Images of British India in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1976), p. 99Google Scholar.

⁶ See Chirol, Valentine, Indian Unrest (1910; reprint, New Delhi, 1979), p. 290Google Scholar. There was even a popular myth among the British that Motilal Nehru, the famous member of the Congress, had turned against British rule because he had been “blackballed” at the Allahabad Club. This myth was successfully challenged by his son; see Nehru, Jawaharlal, An Autobiography (1937; reprint, New Delhi, 1988), pp. 287–88Google Scholar. I have retained the popular nineteenth-century usage of the term “Anglo Indian” to refer to the British in India. It was only later in the twentieth century that the term came to signify an individual of “mixed” British and Indian parentage.

⁷ There has been little serious scholarship on the clubs despite the recent proliferation of work on “imperial culture.” Rich's, Paul J., Chains of Empire: English Public Schools, Masonic Cabalism, Historical Causality and Imperial Clubdom (London, 1991)Google Scholar remains one of the few books to engage with the implications of clubland in the empire. Also see Chan, Wai Kwan, The Making of Hong Kong Society: Three Studies of Class Formation in Early Hong Kong (New York, 1991), pp. 38–40Google Scholar.

⁸ See Stoler, Ann and Cooper, Frederick, “Introduction” in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Berkeley, Calif., 1997)Google Scholar. John Mackenzie, as editor of the pioneering Studies in Imperialism series published by Manchester University Press, helped to lay the groundwork for this shift in contemporary imperial historiography. Said's, EdwardOrientalism (New York, 1978)Google Scholar, however, is widely credited for having inaugurated many of the recent trends in the new interdisciplinary scholarship on imperialism. For some recent books that trace the impact of empire on domestic British history, see Burton, Antoinette, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women and Imperial Culture, 1865–1915 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1994)Google Scholar; Tabili, Laura, “We Ask for British Justice”: Workers and Racial Difference in Late Imperial Britain (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994)Google Scholar; Coombes, Annie, Reinventing Africa: Museums, Material Culture, and Popular Imagination in Victorian and Edwardian Britain (New Haven, Conn., 1994)Google Scholar; and McClintock, Anne, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York, 1995)Google Scholar. For a discussion of this trend in imperial historiography, see Sinha, Mrinalini, “Britain and the Empire: Toward a New Agenda for Imperial History,” Radical History Review 72 (Fall 1998): 163–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ I owe this cautionary note about the “domestication” of empire to Mani, Lata and Frankenburg, Ruth, “Crosscurrents, Crosstalk: Race, ‘Postcoloniality’ and the Politics of Location,” Cultural Studies 7, no. 2 (1993): 292–310Google Scholar; and O'Brien, Susan, “The Place of America in an Era of Postcolonial Imperialism,” Ariel 29, no. 2 (April 1998): 159–83Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For the heuristic model of the “imperial social formation,” see Sinha, Mrinalini, Colonial Masculinity: The “Manly Englishman” and the “Effeminate Bengali” in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester, 1995)Google Scholar, and “Teaching Imperialism as a Social Formation,” Radical History Review 67 (Winter 1997): 175–86Google Scholar.

¹¹ My thinking about a distinctively “colonial public sphere” draws, of course, from the analysis of the classic bourgeois public sphere in the work of Jürgen Habermas; see his The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Burger, Thomas (Cambridge, Mass., 1991)Google Scholar; originally published in Berlin in 1962. See also Calhoun, Craig, ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere (Boston, 1992)Google Scholar. For the literature on “the public” in colonial India, see the editor's introduction and the essays in Freitag, Sandra B., ed., special issue on the “public,” South Asia, 14, no. 1 (1991), esp. 1–13Google Scholar; also see Sarkar, Tanika, “Talking about Scandals: Religion, Law and Love in Late Nineteenth Century Bengal,” Studies in History 1, no. 1 (1997): 63–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Amin, Samir, Eurocentrism (New York, 1989)Google Scholar. Also see Shohat, Ella and Stam, Robert, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media (London, 1994)Google Scholar.

¹³ See Rich, Chains of Empire.

¹⁴ While Christopher Bayly calls for reintegrating the British and Britain into studies of South Asia, I argue for an emphasis on the specifically “colonial” dimension—neither entirely British nor Indian—of public life under the Raj. See Bayly, Christopher A., “Returning the British to South Asian History: The Limits of Colonial Hegemony,” South Asia 17, no. 2 (1994): 1–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ See Clark, Peter, British Clubs and Societies, c. 1580–1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford, 2000)Google Scholar. Unfortunately, I was unable to make use of this book in time for this article.

¹⁶ See The Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary, vol. 1 (1933; reprint, New York, 1977) (hereafter cited as OED), p. 534Google Scholar. Also see Darwin, Bernard, British Clubs (London, 1943), p. 8Google Scholar.

¹⁷ For the seventeenth-century coffeehouses as constitutive of an early modern public sphere in Britain, see Pincus, Steve, “‘Coffee Politicians Does Create’: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture,” Journal of Modern History 67, no. 4 (December 1995): 807–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ This point has been made in Glinga, Werner, Legacy of Empire: A Journey through British Society (Manchester, 1986), pp. 2–3, 8Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For the role of the nineteenth-century “voluntary societies” in consolidating a new middle-class public elite in Britain, see Morris, R. J., “Voluntary Societies and British Urban Elites, 1750–1850: An Analysis,” Historical Journal 26, no. 1. (1983): 95–118CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Clubs, Societies and Associations” in The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1750–1950, vol. 3, ed. Thompson, F. M. L. (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 395–443Google Scholar. Also see Morris, R. J., Class, Sect and Party: The Making of the British Middle-Class, Leeds, 1820–1850 (Manchester, 1990)Google Scholar. John Seed is correct in claiming that the social clubs in Britain were “about much more than good cigars, billiards, and brandy”; see his “Capital and Class Formation in Early Industrial England,” Social History 18, no. 1 (January 1993): 17–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a similar analysis of social clubs in providing cohesiveness to an American ruling elite, see Domhoff, G. William, “Social Clubs, Policy-Planning Groups and Corporations: A Network of Ruling Class Cohesiveness,” Insurgent Sociologist (“New Directions in Power Structure Research,” ed. Domhoff, G. William) 5, no. 3 (Spring 1975): 173–84Google Scholar.

²⁰ The above information is from Glinga, , Legacy of Empire, pp. 2–4Google Scholar; and from Lejeune, Anthony, The Gentlemen's Clubs of London (New York, 1978)Google Scholar.

²¹ See Panckridge, , A Short History, pp. 1–2Google Scholar; and Pioneer (30 April 1880) on the East India United Services Club. See also Forrest, Denys, The Oriental Life Story of a West End Club (1968; reprint, London, 1979)Google Scholar.

²² Quoted in Darwin, , British Clubs, p. 7Google Scholar. The popular spelling of the term, however, is “clubbable”; see OED, p. 535.

²³ Glinga, , Legacy of Empire, p. 4Google Scholar; and Lejeune, , Gentlemen's Clubs, p. 15Google Scholar.

²⁴ See extract from Vanity Fair, quoted in Englishman (12 October 1883), p. 3Google ScholarPubMed. See also Davenport-Hines, Richard, “In Good Company,” Times Literary Supplement, no. 4 (8–14 June 1990), pp. 12–13Google Scholar. The class character of the culture of the “ruling elite” in nineteenth-century Britain continues to be a subject of debate among British historians. For the classic argument of the “gentrification” of Britain's middle-class or bourgeoisie, see Weiner, Martin J., English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850–1980 (Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar. It is perhaps symptomatic of the argument being made in this article that much of the debate on the class character of Victorian Britain has gone on without significant recognition of the constitutive impact of Britain's imperial position; this point is made in Callinicos, Alex, “Exception or Symptom? The British Crisis and the World System,” New Left Review 169 (1988): 97–107Google Scholar.

²⁵ For a useful introduction to “British Cultural Studies,” see Turner, Graeme, British Cultural Studies: An Introduction (Boston, 1990)Google Scholar; also see Hall, Stuart, “Cultural Studies and Its Theoretical Legacies,” in Cultural Studies, ed. Grossberg, L., Nelson, C., and Treichler, P. (New York, 1992), pp. 277–94Google Scholar.

²⁶ See esp. Colls, Robert and Dodd, Philip, eds., Englishness, Politics and Culture, 1880–1920 (London, 1986)Google Scholar. Scholars, no doubt, differ on the precise historical moment/moments in which an “Englishness” was crystallized; see Samuel, Raphael, ed., Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, vols. 1–3 (London, 1989)Google Scholar, esp. Samuel's, “Introduction,” 1:xviii–lviiGoogle Scholar. Also see Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992)Google Scholar.

²⁷ See Viswanathan's, Gauri critique in “Raymond Williams and British Colonialism,” Yale Journal of Criticism 4, no. 2 (Spring 1991): 47–66Google Scholar. Sara Suleri similarly argues for the antecedence of imperialism in the making of English India, see Suleri, Sara, The Rhetoric of English India (Chicago, 1989), pp. 1–22Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Mackenzie, John, Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880–1960 (Manchester, 1984), p. 2Google Scholar.

²⁹ For the marketing of imperialism in Britain in the late nineteenth century, see ibid. Other titles in the Manchester University Press Studies in Imperialism series also demonstrate the impact of imperialism on British culture; for some examples, see Richards, Jeffrey, ed., Imperialism and Juvenile Literature (Manchester, 1989)Google Scholar; Mackenzie, John, ed., Imperialism and Popular Culture (Manchester, 1986)Google Scholar; Mangan, J. A., ed., Making Imperial Mentalities: Socialisation and British Imperialism (Manchester, 1990)Google Scholar.

³⁰ I see this as the underlying theme of Said's, EdwardCulture and Imperialism (New York, 1993)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 1.

³¹ The term is from Viswanathan, , “Raymond Williams,” p. 48Google Scholar. For an application of this idea, see Viswanathan, , The Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India (New York, 1989)Google Scholar. Her study of the origins of modern English studies reveals that what has hitherto seemed as a strategy developed for class management at home and later exported to the colony was in fact developed for the management of natives in India and only later exported to Britain. For the impact of empire on class politics in Britain, also see Semmel, Bernard, Imperialism and Social Reform in Great Britain, 1900–1914 (1960; reprint, Cambridge, Mass., 1979)Google Scholar; Holt, Thomas, The Problem of Freedom: Race, Labor and Politics in Jamaica and Britain, 1832–1938 (Baltimore, 1982)Google Scholar; Tabili, “We Ask for British Justice”; and Hall, Catherine, “Rethinking Imperial Histories: The Reform Act of 1867,” New Left Review, no. 208 (1994), pp. 3–29Google Scholar; and for India, in particular, see Stokes, Eric, The English Utilitarians and India (Oxford, 1959)Google Scholar; Majeed, Javed, Ungoverned Imaginings: James Mill's “History of British India” and Orientalism (New York, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gupta, Partha Sarthi, Imperialism and the British Labour Movement (London, 1975)Google Scholar.

³² For the intersection of ideas about race, gender, and class in the construction of mid-nineteenth-century British masculinity, see Hall, Catherine, “The Economy of Intellectual Prestige: Thomas Carlyle, J. S. Mill and the Case of Governor Eyre,” Cultural Critique, no. 12 (Spring 1989), pp. 167–96Google Scholar. Also see Hall, Catherine, White, Male and Middle Class: Explorations in Feminism and History (Cambridge, 1992)Google Scholar.

³³ I make this argument in the context of the politics of masculinity; see Sinha, Colonial Masculinity.

³⁴ For a sophisticated use of the “separation of spheres” ideology for analyzing nineteenth-century British history, see Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar. For a critique of the use of “separation of spheres” ideology in histories of British women, however, see Vickery, Amanda, “Golden Age to Separate Spheres? A Review of the Categories and Chronology of English Women's History,” Historical Journal 36, no. 2 (1993): 383–414CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I am using the term “separation of spheres” very broadly to refer to the set of ideas about gender that was dominant in the nineteenth century.

³⁵ For a spoof on the clubs along these lines see Timbs, John, Club Life of London (London, 1886), 1:248Google Scholar. Timbs quotes from a poem by a Mr. Hood entitled “Clubs Turned up by a Female Hand”: “of all the modern schemes of man / That time has brought to bear / A plague upon the wicked plan / That parts the wedded pair / My female friends they all agree / They hardly know their hubs; / And heart and voice unite with me / We hate the name of Clubs!” For bourgeois domesticity as an important site for the construction of nineteenth-century middle-class masculinity in Britain, see Tosh, John, A Man's Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven, Conn., 1999)Google Scholar.

³⁶ See Glinga, , Legacy of Empire, pp. 21–22Google Scholar.

³⁷ For an examination of a very different sort of “mixed” club, see Walkowitz, Judith R., “Science, Feminism, and Romance: The Men and Women's Club, 1885–1889,” History Workshop Journal 21 (Spring 1986): 37–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Bland, Lucy, “Rational Sex or Spiritual Love: The Men and Women's Club of the 1880's,” Women's Studies International Forum 13, nos. 1/2 (1990): 33–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³⁹ Pateman, Carole, The Sexual Contract (Stanford, Calif., 1985)Google Scholar. See also Clark, Anna, “Contested Space: The Public and Private Spheres in Nineteenth-Century Britain,” Journal of British Studies 35 (1996): 269–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The gentleman's clubs, indeed, differ from the seventeenth-century coffeehouses that Pincus demonstrates were more inclusive both in terms of gender and class; see Pincus, “‘Coffee Politicians Does Create.’”

⁴⁰ Partha Chatterjee, in a different context, has already complicated the usefulness of the public/private dichotomy when extended to civil society in colonial India; see his “The Nationalist Resolution of the Women's Question,” in Recasting Women: Essays in Colonial History, ed. Sangari, K. and Vaid, S. (New Brunswick, N.J., 1990), pp. 235–53Google Scholar.

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⁴² For the implications of changing attitudes toward interracial sex and interracial unions in the colonial empires, see Stoler, Ann, “Making Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Colonial Cultures,” American Ethnologist 16, no. 4 (November 1989): 634–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For colonial India, see Ballhatchett, Kenneth, Race, Sex and Class under the Raj: Imperial Attitudes and Policies and Their Critics, 1793–1905 (New York, 1980)Google Scholar.

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⁴⁴ J.A.D., Notes on an Outfit for India and Hints for the New Arrival (London, 1903), p. 41Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ This is how Dennis Kincaid explains the “club-addiction” of Anglo-Indian society; see his British Social Life in India, 1608–1937 (1938; reprint, New York, 1971), p. 281Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ These figures are from Brown, Judith, “India,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 4, The Twentieth Century, ed. Brown, Judith and Louis, W. Roger (Oxford and New York, 1999), p. 423Google Scholar. For the demographic composition of the European community in India, see Macmillan, Margaret O., “Social and Political Attitudes of British Expatriates in India, c. 1880–c. 1920” (D.Phil, thesis, Oxford University, 1974)Google Scholar.

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⁴⁸ Quoted in Allen, , Plain Tales, p. 100Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Horne, W. O., Work and Sport in the Old ICS (London, 1928), p. 23Google Scholar. A shared social life for white men and white women was of greater importance in a racially divided society. Macmillan writes that “generally men and women shared the same social life, indeed more, perhaps, than their contemporaries at home”; see her Women of the Raj (New York, 1988), p. 154Google ScholarPubMed.

⁵⁰ Rivett-Carnac, J. H., Many Memories of Life in India: At Home and Abroad (London, 1910), p. 15Google Scholar.

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⁵² Cited in Macmillan, , Women of the Raj, pp. 160–61Google Scholar. See also reference to white women's involvement in the clubs in Lind, Mary Ann, The Compassionate Memsahibs, Welfare Activities of British Women in India, 1900–1947 (Westport, Conn., 1988), p. 21Google Scholar.

⁵³ For a sample of some of the complaints against the presence of women in the clubs, see Boxwallah, , An Eastern Backwater (London, [1916]), pp. 45, 55, 275Google Scholar. See also Allen, , Plain Tales, p. 105Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Cited in SirSharp, Henry, Goodbye India (London, 1946), pp. 137–38Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Allen, , Plain Tales, p. 99Google Scholar. The members of the Bengal Club were even alarmed at the idea of an “At Home” for women on its premises for its centenary celebrations in 1927; see R. I. Macalpine, Bengal Club, 1927–1970, pt. 2, BCA.

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⁵⁸ Guilaumin, Colette, “Race and Nature: The System of Marks,” Feminist Issues 8 (Fall 1988): 41CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the discussion of this point in Lloyd, David, “Race under Representation,” Oxford Literary Review 13, nos. 1–2 (1991): 62–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Abel, Elizabeth, “Black Writing, White Reading: Race and the Politics of Feminist Interpretation,” Critical Inquiry 19, no. 3 (Spring 1993): 470–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In the context of colonialism, moreover, scholars have argued for the need to balance scholarship on the colonized with attention to the constitution of the colonizer; see Trotter, David, “Colonial Subjects,” Critical Quarterly 32, no. 3 (Autumn 1990): 3–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Chrisman, Laura, “The Imperial Unconscious? Representations of Imperial Discourse,” Critical Quarterly, 32, no. 3 (Autumn 1990): 38–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also the critique of these moves in Pimono, Paulus, “The Centre Writes/Strikes Back?” Critical Quarterly, 33 no. 3 (Autumn 1991): 43–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶¹ The work of Ann Staler has been especially useful in de-naturalizing the constructs of “colonizer” and “colonized”; see her “Rethinking Colonial Categories: European Communities and the Boundaries of Rule,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 1 (January 1989): 134–150CrossRefGoogle Scholar, “Sexual Affronts and Racial Frontiers: European Identities and the Cultural Politics of Exclusion in Colonial Southeast Asia,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 3 (July 1992): 514–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Making Empire Respectable.”

⁶² Timbs, , Club Life of London, pp. 2–3Google Scholar.

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⁶⁵ Mohanty, , “Kipling's Children,” p. 30Google Scholar. For one Anglo Indian's views on the problem of “poor whites” in nineteenth-century India, see McGuire, Thomas, Professional Beggars: Being Sketches of Beggars, Begging Letter Writers and Impostors From Personal Observation (Calcutta, 1884)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ An anonymous British soldier, describing his life in late nineteenth-century India, contends that the social chasm dividing the “upper” and “lower” class Europeans was greater in India than in Britain; see H.S., The Young Soldier in India: His Life and Prospects (London, 1889), pp. 202–5Google Scholar. For the military, which accounted for the majority of the European presence in India, see Stanley, Peter, White Mutiny: British Military Culture in India, 1825–1875 (London, 1998)Google Scholar.

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⁷⁷ Ex-Civilian, Life in the Mofussil, vol. 1, p. 51Google Scholar.

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⁸⁴ For the patronage of the governor-general and then the viceroy, see ibid., p. 70. For a brief history of the European and Anglo Indian Defence Association, see Renford, Raymond K., The Non-Official British in India to 1920 (Delhi, 1987)Google Scholar.

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⁸⁹ Cited in Allen, , Plain Tales, p. 104Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Horne, , Work and Sport in the Old ICS, pp. 101–2Google Scholar. White women were just as likely to offer similar defenses of the club; see the similarity in Ethel Savi's defense of the club quoted in Greenberger , Allen J., “Englishwomen in India,” British History Illustrated 4 (1978): 46Google Scholar.

⁹¹ For some salutary reminders of the importance of reinscribing class—as much as race and gender—into contemporary analyses of the working of colonialism, see Ahmed, Aijaz, In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures (London, 1992)Google Scholar; and Sarkar, Sumit, Writing Social History (Delhi, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁹² See Choudhury, Ranabina Ray, ed., Calcutta: A Hundred Years Ago (Bombay, 1988), p. 46Google Scholar.

⁹³ Ibid. See also Statesman (23 March 1883), p. 3Google ScholarPubMed; and the report in the Illustrated London News (25 August 1887) on the maharaja's role in founding the club, cited in Vadgama, Kusoom, India in Britain: The Indian Contribution to the British Way of Life (London, 1984), p. 52Google Scholar. Dev's, Benay KrishanThe Early History and Growth of Calcutta (1905; reprint, Calcutta, 1977), p. 175Google Scholar, however, attributes the foundation of the club to Keshub Chunder Sen, the maharaja's father-in-law.

⁹⁴ Statesman (24 March 1882), p. 3Google ScholarPubMed.

⁹⁵ Among the Indian members some prominent names included the following: R. C. Mitter, Jotendra Mohun Tagore, Rajendra Lala Mitra, Nawab Abdool Luteef, H. M. Rustomjee, Keshub Chunder Sen, Bankim Chandra Chattterjee, and Rev. K. M. Bannerjee. Some prominent European members, included Sir Henry Harrison, chairman of the Calcutta Corporation; Sir Henry Cotton of the ICS; and Rev. Father Lafont. Harry Lee, Harrison's successor at the Calcutta Corporation, also played an active role in the club. See Choudhury, , Calcutta, pp. 132–33Google ScholarPubMed; Hindoo Patriot (16 June 1883), p. 280Google Scholar; and Hindoo Patriot (18 August 1890), pp. 390–91Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ The membership on 31 December 1888 was 763; see Bengal Club Annual Accounts Book, 1860–1890, BCA, pp. 77.

⁹⁷ Blunt, Wilfred Scawen, India under Ripon (London, 1909), p. 115Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Quoted in Choudhury, , Calcutta, p. 46Google ScholarPubMed.

⁹⁹ Pioneer (28 April 1883), p. 1Google ScholarPubMed.

¹⁰⁰ The incident was first reported in the Indian Daily News. It prompted one European member of the club to resign in protest, see Englishman (3 April 1883), p. 3Google ScholarPubMed. Indians present, however, denied that such an incident had taken place in the club, see Englishman (6 April 1883), p. 2Google ScholarPubMed.

¹⁰¹ See Gandhi, M. K., An Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth, trans. Desai, Mahadev (Boston, 1957), p. 229Google Scholar; originally published in Ahmedabad, India, in two volumes in 1927 and 1929.

¹⁰² Brajendranath, De, “Reminiscences of an Indian Member of the ICS,” Calcutta Review 32, no. 2 (August 1954): 95Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Ananda Bazar Patrika (9 April 1993), p. 167Google Scholar, in Report on Native Papers Bengal Presidency (January-December 1883), no. 16.

¹⁰⁴ See Shukla, J. D., Indianisation of All-India Services and Its Impact on Administration (New Delhi, 1982)Google Scholar. For the transformation of the ICS, also see Potter, David, India's Political Administrators, 1919–1983 (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar. Several contemporary memoirs testify to the awkwardness created by the ban on entertaining Indian guests in the clubs; for Anglo-Indian accounts see Cotton, , New India, pp. 50–51Google Scholar; and SirLawrence, Walter Roper, The India We Served (London, 1928), p. 16Google Scholar; for accounts by Indians see the recollections of M. A. Hussein of the ICS (Punjab cadre) quoted in Hunt, and Harrison, , District Officer, p. 127Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Cited in Hunt, and Harrison, , District Officer, pp. 127–28Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Vira, Dharam, Memoirs of a Civil Servant (London, 1975), p. 16–17Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Cited in Sinha, M. K., In My Father's Footsteps: A Policeman's Odyssey, 1908–1980 (Delhi, 1981), p. 24Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ See various individual memoirs, for example: Menon, K. P. S., Many Worlds: An Autobiography (London, 1965), esp. pp. 89–147Google Scholar; Chettur, S. K., The Steel Frame and I: Life in the ICS (London, 1962)Google Scholar; Rai, E. N. Mangat, Commitment My Style: Career in the Indian Civil Service (Delhi, 1973)Google Scholar; [Nehra, A.], Letters of an Indian Judge to an English Gentlewoman (London, 1934)Google Scholar; Rustomjee, Nari, Enchanted Frontiers (Bombay, 1971)Google Scholar; and Tyabji, Badr-ud-din, Memoirs of an Egoist, vol. 1, 1907–1956 (New Delhi, 1988)Google Scholar. See also the recollections of Indian ICS officers in Punjabi, K. L., The Civil Servant in India (Bombay, 1965)Google Scholar and Hunt and Harrison, District Officer.

¹⁰⁹ See Hunt, and Harrison, , District Officer, pp. 126–27, 29Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Cited in Masani, Zareer, Indian Tales of the Raj (London, 1987), p. 53Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Cited in Ray, Rajat, Urban Roots, pp. 231–32Google Scholar.

¹¹² The incident involving Willingdon is mentioned in Trevelyan, Humphrey, The India We Left: Charles Trevelyan, 1826–1865, Humphrey Trevelyan, 1929–1947 (London, 1972), pp. 112–13Google Scholar. Details are also given in Masani, , Indian Tales, pp. 51–52Google Scholar. While Indian princes were not allowed in the clubs in British India, they belonged to the same clubs as Europeans in their own princely states; see the recollections of the son of the Nawab of Palanpur in Allen, Charles and Diwedi, Sharada, Lives of the Indian Princes (London, 1984), p. 158Google Scholar.

¹¹³ See Calcutta Club: Memorandum and Articles of Association 1922, National Library, Calcutta, pp. 48, 51Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Quoted in Masani, , Indian Tales, p. 52Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Quoted in ibid., p. 68. For the decline in the popularity of the clubs see also Kincaid, , British Social Life, pp. 276–77Google Scholar. For one Anglo Indian's perception of the growing “crises of whiteness” in late colonial India, see Schwarz, Bill, “An Englishman Abroad … and at Home: The Case of Paul Scott,” New Formations, no. 17 (Summer 1992), pp. 95–105Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Cited in Bonnerjee, N. B., Under Two Masters (Calcutta, 1970), pp. 117–18Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Ibid.

¹¹⁸ Quoted in Masani, , Indian Tales, p. 16Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Ibid., p. 25.

¹²⁰ Ibid., p. 55. There were many others, of course, who made full use of the social opportunities for bridge, sports, and other activities that the clubs provided, see Sengupta, Padmini [Sathianadhan], The Portrait of an Indian Woman (Calcutta, 1956)Google Scholar.

¹²¹ See Rau, Dhanvanthi Rama, An Inheritance: The Memoirs of Dhanvanthi Rama Rau (London, 1977), pp. 99–100, 119Google Scholar.

¹²² See Letter From Sorabji to Elena [Alice Bruce] Richmond, dated 24 February 1926, in “Cornelia Sorabji Papers: Correspondence and Private Papers,” January-April 1926, India Office Library and Records, London, folder no. 40.

¹²³ See report of the incident in Renford, , Non-Official British, pp. 309–11Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ See the recollection of this episode in Dutt, Kalpana, Chittagong Armoury Raider's Reminiscences (1945; reprint, New Delhi, 1979), pp. 40–44Google Scholar. For Indian women's participation in revolutionary terrorist organizations, see Forbes, Geraldine H., “Goddesses or Rebels: The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal,” in Women, Politics and Literature in Bengal, ed. Seeley, Clinton B. (East Lansing, Mich. 1981), pp. 3–17Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ For a recollection of this incident, see the writings of Indian suffragist Sen, Mrinalini, Knocking at the Door: Lectures and Other Writings (Calcutta, 1954), p. 150Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ The Lyceum Club was founded on 20 June 1904 as a place where “women of every nationality meet in a freedom of intercourse hitherto unavailable;” see the report on the tenth anniversary of the club in its paper, The Lyceum (June 1914), in Papers of Lady Strachey [longtime vice president of the Lyceum Club/, Fawcett Library, London Guildhall University, London, Box 92. Sarojini Naidu was, perhaps, among its earliest and most famous Indian members. Many important connections among Indian women, such as those among Naidu, Kamala Sathianadhan, Padmini Sengupta, and Hansa Mehta, had been cemented first in 1919 in the Lyceum Club in London, see Sengupta, Padmini [Sathianadhan], The Portrait of an Indian Woman (Calcutta, 1956), pp. 114–16Google Scholar; Sengupta, Padmini, Sarojini Naidu (Bombay, 1966), p. 158Google Scholar; and Mehta, Hansa, Indian Woman (Delhi, 1981), p. 188Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ Vittachi, Varindra Tarzie, The Brown Sahib (London, 1962), p. 10Google Scholar; see also his The Brown Sahib Revisited (New Delhi, 1987)Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Midgley, Clare, “New Imperial Histories,” Journal of British Studies 35 (1996): 547–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.