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² The late David Underdown once expressed this point to me at a meeting of the North American Conference on British Studies. Cf. Lake, Peter, “Review Article,” Huntington Library Quarterly 57, no. 2 (Spring 1994): 167–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 194.

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⁴ Russell, Conrad, The Causes of the English Civil War (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁵ Lake, Peter and Pincus, Steve, “Rethinking the Public Sphere in Early Modern England,” Journal of British Studies 45, no. 2 (April 2006): 270–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 286n64.

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⁷ “Atlantic archipelago” was John Pocock's term. Pocock, J. G. A., “British History: A Plea for a New Subject,” Journal of Modern History 47, no. 4 (December 1975): 601–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There were, of course, other archipelagoes in the Atlantic—the Azores and Cape Verde, for instance—which is why I prefer “Britannic archipelago” when referring to Britain and Ireland. I would argue, however, that it is still appropriate to talk about “British history” and “the British archipelago” for the seventeenth century. The island of Great Britain comprised England, Wales, and Scotland, while Ireland was ruled by a dynasty that hailed from Scotland and that ruled England in the interest of Britain and the Protestant British (English, Welsh, and Scottish) who lived in Ireland—a dynasty that often pursued a British (pan-Britannic) agenda for its multiple-kingdom inheritance. See Harris, Tim, Restoration: Charles II and His Kingdoms, 1660–1685 (London, 2005), xvii–xviii Google Scholar; and Glenn Burgess, “Introduction: The New British History,” in Burgess, New British History, 1–29, at 2–3.

⁸ As one contemporary observed in late 1639, discussing the troubles in Scotland, just as medical doctors took time to arrive at a name for a new disease, so too did doctors of state to describe new political developments: MS Add. 22, fol. 105, Cambridge University Library (hereafter CUL).

⁹ Vox Populi. In Plaine English [London, 1642] (although there are numerous pamphlets with vox populi in the title); Vox Angliae: Or, The Voice of the Kingdom (London, 1682)Google Scholar; Vox Patriae; Or, The Resentments and Indignation of the Free-born Subjects of England, against Popery (London, 1681)Google Scholar; Tyacke, Nicholas, “Introduction: Locating the ‘English Revolution,’” in The English Revolution, c. 1590–1720: Politics, Religion and Communities, ed. Tyacke, Nicholas (Manchester, 2007), 1–26 Google Scholar, at 18; Baldwin, Geoff, “The ‘Public’ as a Rhetorical Community in Early Modern England,” in Communities in Early Modern England: Networks, Place, Rhetoric, ed. Shepard, Alexandra and Withington, Phil (Manchester, 2000), 199–216 Google Scholar; Harris, Tim, “Charles I and Public Opinion on the Eve of the English Civil War,” in The Nature of the English Revolution Revisited, ed. Tapsell, Grant and Taylor, Stephen (Woodbridge, 2013), 1–25 Google Scholar, at 4; Coast, David, “Rumor and ‘Common Fame’: The Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham and Public Opinion in Early Stuart England,” Journal of British Studies 55, no. 2 (April 2016): 241–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 264.

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¹⁴ Walter, Crowds and Popular Politics, 9–10, 196–222; Braddick, Michael J. and Walter, John, “Introduction: Grids of Power; Order, Hierarchy and Subordination in Early Modern Society,” in Negotiating Power in Early Modern Society: Order, Hierarchy and Subordination in Britain and Ireland, ed. Braddick, Michael J. and Walter, John (Cambridge, 2001), 1–42 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 5–10, 14–16.

¹⁵ The framework outlined here, readers will recognize, conforms closely to what Lake and Pincus designated “the post-Reformation public sphere.” Medievalists might point out that many of the features of this style of public negotiation of political authority predated the Reformation: what clearly transforms the situation post-Reformation is the rise of religious contention and also the dramatic expansion of print culture.

¹⁶ My focus is on Ireland, Scotland, and England, in part because I am interested in the dynamics of the interactions between what were in theory separate kingdoms and in part because the complex case of Wales is addressed in this volume by Lloyd Bowen. Bowen, Lloyd, “Structuring Particularist Publics: Logistics, Language and Early Modern Wales,” Journal of British Studies 56, no. 4 (October 2017): 754–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also idem, “Information, Language and Political Culture in Early Modern Wales,” Past and Present 228 (August 2015): 125–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁸ The relevant literature is now vast. I first addressed these issues in Harris, Tim, London Crowds in the Reign of Charles II: Propaganda and Politics from the Restoration until the Exclusion Crisis (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar. For a recent comprehensive overview of how the Tudor and Stuart monarchy sought to use the media to represent its authority to the people, see the trilogy by Kevin Sharpe: Sharpe, Kevin, Selling the Tudor Monarchy: Authority and Image in Sixteenth-Century England (London, 2009)Google Scholar; idem, Image Wars: Promoting Kings and Commonwealths in England, 1603–1660 (London, 2010)Google Scholar; and idem, Rebranding Rule: Images of Restoration and Revolution Monarchy, 1660–1714 (London, 2013)Google Scholar. For the impact of manuscript pamphlets on early Stuart political culture in England, see Millstone, Noah, Manuscript Circulation and the Invention of Politics in Early Stuart England (Cambridge, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Peacey, Jason, Print and Public Politics in the English Revolution (Cambridge, 2013), 21 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 81.

²⁰ S. F. Jones, ed., Mercurius Civicus: London's Intelligencer (n.p., 2013), 4–11 May 1643; Roger L'Estrange, The Observator in Dialogue (1684–1687), I, no. 1 (13 April 1681). Cf. Baron, Sabrina, “The Guises of Dissemination in Early Seventeenth-Century England: News in Manuscript and Print,” in The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe, ed. Dooley, Brendan and Baron, Sabrina (London, 2001), 45–56 Google Scholar, at 42.

²¹ Although Derek Hirst argued that perhaps between 27 percent and 40 percent of the adult male population had the right to vote in parliamentary elections on the eve of the civil war, general elections were rather infrequent over the course of the century as a whole, and elections were not always contested (although contests became more frequent as the century progressed). Hirst, Derek, The Representative of the People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts (Cambridge, 1975), 105 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Kishlansky, Mark A., Parliamentary Selection: Social and Political Choice in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²² Goldie, Mark, “The Unacknowledged Republic: Office-Holding in Early Modern England,” in The Politics of the Excluded, c. 1500–1850, ed. Harris, Tim (Basingstoke, 2001), 153–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar (esp. 161). Goldie's essay should be read in conjunction with Steve Hindle's, which emphasizes that popular political participation was “nonetheless circumscribed” and that the “chief inhabitants” of the parish were “particularly aware of their own status.” Steve Hindle, “The Political Culture of the Middling Sort in English Rural Communities, c. 1550–1700,” in Harris, ed., Politics of the Excluded, 125–52, at 145, 147.

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²⁶ Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, The History of the Rebellion and the Civil Wars in England, ed. Dunn, W. Macray (Oxford, 1888), 2:145–46Google Scholar. One suspects that there was more interest in England in Irish affairs, given Ireland's status as a dependency of the English crown and the long history of Irish rebellions against English rule. Much political commentary about Ireland and the Irish was published in the English press in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and the Irish were also represented on the Jacobean stage.

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³⁰ Clodagh Tait, “Riots, Rescues and ‘Grene Bowes’: Catholic Popular Protestant in Ireland, 1570–1640,” in Armstrong and Ó hAnnracháin, eds., Insular Christianity, 66–87, at 81; George Wild, Bishop of Derry, to John Bramhall, Archbishop of Armagh, 10 January [1661/2], HA 15999, HEH; Wild to Bramhall, Derry, 7 March 1661[/2], HA 16003, HEH.

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³⁹ Gillespie, Reading Ireland, 55–74; Ohlmeyer, “Ireland,” 42.

⁴⁰ Bowen, “Information,” 129.

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⁴⁷ George Wild, Bishop of Derry, to John Bramhall, Archbishop of Armagh, 13 May 1662, HA 16008, HEH. Cf. George Morley, Bishop of Winchester, to Bramhall, London, 14 May [1662], HA 15382, HEH.

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⁷⁰ See the trilogy by Richard Greaves: Greaves, Richard, Deliver Us from Evil: The Radical Underground in Britain, 1660–1663 (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar; idem, Enemies under His Feet: Radicals and Nonconformists in Britain, 1664–1677 (Stanford, 1990)Google Scholar; and idem, Secrets of the Kingdom: British Radicals from the Popish Plot to the Revolution of 1688–89 (Stanford, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁷¹ George Wild, Bishop of Derry, to John Bramhall, Archbishop of Armagh, Derry, 10 March 1662/3, HA 16017, HEH.

⁷² Wodrow MSS, Quarto XXX, NLI; Stewart, Laura A. M., “Introduction: Publics and Participation in Early Modern Britain,” Journal of British History 56, no. 4 (October 2017): 709–30Google Scholar.

⁷³ The Entring Book of Roger Morrice, 1677–1691, ed. Goldie, Mark, 7 vols. (Woodbridge, 2007)Google Scholar; Newsletters of Richard Bulstrode: From the Harry Ransome Humanities Center at Austin, Texas (Marlborough, 2002)Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Harris, “British Dimension,” 143–48; Harris, Tim, “England's ‘Little Sisters without Breasts': Shaftesbury and Scotland and Ireland,” in Anthony Ashley Cooper, The First Earl of Shaftesbury 1621–1683, ed. Spurr, John (Farnham, 2011), 183–205 Google Scholar; Gibney, John, Ireland and the Popish Plot (Basingstoke, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gillespie, Reading Ireland, 114.

⁷⁵ Roger L'Estrange, Observator 3, nos. 151 (6 March 1685/6), 201 (18 August 1686), and 206 (4 September 1686).

⁷⁶ Harris, Restoration, 333–35, 338–41.

⁷⁷ Ibid., 187–88.

⁷⁸ Knights, Mark, Politics and Opinion in Crisis, 1678–81 (Cambridge, 1994), 329–45Google Scholar; Harris, Restoration, 263–92, 317–22; Vallance, Ted, “‘From the Hearts of the People’: Loyalty, Addresses and the Public Sphere in the Exclusion Crisis,” in Religion, Culture and National Community in the 1670s, ed. Claydon, Tony and Corns, Thomas N. (Cardiff, 2011), 127–47Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ MS 11,960, pp. 85–223, NLI; London Gazette, nos. 1714 (20–24 April 1682), 1751 (28–31 August 1682), 1867 (8–11 October 1683); Historical Manuscripts Commission, Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquess of Ormonde, K. P., Preserved at Kilkenny Castle, New Series, ed. Falkiner, C. Litton and Ball, F. Elrington, 8 vols. (London, 1902–20), 6:57 Google Scholar, 62; HMC, Ormonde, N.S. VII, 86–7, 110; The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghall, from 1610 … to 1800, ed. Caulfield, Richard (Guildford, 1878), 361 Google Scholar; [Earl of Conway] to Sir George Rawdon, 6 May 1682, HA 14570, HEH; Harris, Restoration, 390–95, 403–5.

⁸⁰ Harris, Revolution, 49–54; Pincus, Steve, 1688: The First Modern Revolution (New Haven, 2009), 97–99 Google Scholar. For the address from the Catholic clergy of Ireland, see Lansdowne 1152A, fol. 404, BL.

⁸¹ Harris, Restoration, 260–328; Harris, Revolution, 73–94; Clifton, Robin, The Last Popular Rebellion: The Western Rising of 1685 (London, 1984)Google Scholar; Greaves, Secrets of the Kingdom, 253–89; Pincus, 1688, 104–16.

⁸² What has been described here is no longer Lake and Pincus's post-Reformation public sphere. Yet it is not quite their postrevolutionary public sphere either, although Lake and Pincus themselves saw the Restoration as a transitional period, acknowledging that a full-fledged postrevolutionary public sphere did not emerge until after the Glorious Revolution. Lake and Pincus, “Rethinking the Public Sphere,” 284. Alasdair Raffe, however, has questioned whether Lake and Pincus's postrevolutionary public sphere emerged in Scotland, preferring instead to talk in terms of a “culture of controversy.” Raffe, Alasdair, The Culture of Controversy: Religious Arguments in Scotland, 1660–1714 (Woodbridge, 2012)Google Scholar.

⁸³ Harris, Revolution, 376–78, 389–90, 419–20.