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Palmerston and Radicalism, 1847–1865
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 January 2014
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Lord Palmerston's constituency of support within the nineteenth-century Liberal party has received relatively little attention from historians. In many ways, however, his strong plebeian following provided the major popular current within Liberalism prior to the emergence of the cult of Gladstone in the mid-1860s. Even after Palmerston's death in 1865, his legacy continued to exercise a powerful influence, and William Ewart Gladstone, Viscount Hartington, Lord Rosebery, and others vied with one another for possession of his mantle and the role as his successor.
Historians have shown themselves baffled by this phenomenon of Palmerston's popular appeal. Conservative historians have sought to annex Palmerston for the Tory interest. Themes like “the nation,” the sanctity of British citizenship, and defense of British interests abroad they see as presaging the appeal of Benjamin Disraeli's “imperialism.” Most have combined in portraying Palmerston as a profoundly “illiberal” figure, more Tory than the Tories, whose views sat uneasily alongside such canons of Liberalism as free-trade noninterventionism and Gladstone's graduated program of parliamentary and civil-service reforms. His contribution to the midcentury Liberal consensus was, however, a major one, and must be seen as carrying equal weight with that of such figures as Richard Cobden, John Bright, and J. S. Mill.
Recent reappraisals of Liberalism have challenged the notion of a uniform, popular Liberalism in the 1850s and 1860s. In their research Patrick Joyce and James Vernon have emphasized the degree to which Liberalism at a popular level was a fusion of older and newer political forms, incorporating long-standing radical memories of the mass platform, traditional styles of leadership, and established methods of political communication.
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References
1 The Liberal Imperialists in particular sought to annex Palmerston's mantle, and Lord Rosebery was directly compared with him by his supporters. See Matthew, H. C. G., The Liberal Imperialists: The Ideas and Politics of a Post-Gladstonian Elite (Oxford, 1975), pp. 133, 139Google Scholar.
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49 Holyoake's full program is outlined in Humphrey, A. W., A History of Labour Representation (London, 1912; reprint, New York, 1984), pp. 2–7Google Scholar.
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51 For full details of the results of the 1857 election contest in London and the synthesis of pro-Palmerston sentiment and Chartism it produced, see A. D. Taylor (n. 26 above), chap. 5.
52 See on this point Hawkins (n. 10 above), pp. 87–117.
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63 Steele (n. 5 above), esp. pp. 191–241.
64 This meeting was attended by the radical M.P. for Finsbury, Thomas Wakley; Daniel Harris, the secretary of the Finsbury and Islington Kossuth Committee; the long-standing reformer William Shaen; and J. C. Elt, the future secretary of the Ballot Society. See reports in The Times (November 19, 1851), p. 8Google Scholar, and (November 26, 1851), p. 4. Some sources suggest that the strong language used by this deputation with reference to Austria and Russia angered supporters of the government so much that the episode contributed to the fall of Palmerston's ministry a few weeks later. See Greville (n. 21 above), pp. 423–25.
65 See the report of a deputation to Lord John Russell in which Russell terminated proceedings early in the Workman's Advocate (January 20, 1865). Gladstone also often treated working-class reformers who visited him with disdain; see The Times (March 18, 1864).
66 Bee-hive (May 23, 1863).
67 Holyoake (n. 18 above), 2:78–79. George Howell makes much the same point in his article “People I Have Met” (n. 20 above).
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