Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-j824f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-09T05:52:41.098Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848–1854

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Gregory Claeys
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The relative quiescence of British working-class radicalism during much of the two decades after 1848, so central to the foundations of mid-Victorian stability, has been the subject of many explanations. Though Chartism did not expire finally until the late 1850s, its mainstream strategy of constitutionalist organization, huge meetings, enormous parliamentary petitions, and the tacit threat of violent intimidation seemed exploded after the debacle of Kennington Common and the failed march on Parliament in April 1848. But other factors also contributed to undermine the zeal for reform. Alleviating the pressures of distress, emigration carried off many activists to America and elsewhere. Relative economic prosperity rendered the economic ends of reform less pressing, and proposals like the Chartist Land Plan less appealing. The popularity of various self-help doctrines, including consumer cooperation, also militated against collectivist political action. “Labour aristocrats” and trade union leaders, moreover, preferred local and sectional economic improvement to the risks and expense of political campaigning.

Accounts of mid-Victorian political stability have had little to say, however, about the impact of European radicalism on the British working-class movement after 1848. That the failure of the continental revolutions brought thousands of refugees to Britain is well known. But although useful studies exist of the internationalist dimensions of Chartism prior to 1849—and of some of the refugee groups generally in this period—the effects of the exiled continental radicals on British working-class politics in the early 1850s have remained largely unconsidered.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of British Studies , Volume 28 , Issue 3 , July 1989 , pp. 225 - 261
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1989

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For a recent treatment of many of these explanations, see Kirk, Neville, The Growth of Working Class Reformism in Mid-Victorian Britain (London, 1985)Google Scholar. Also useful is Tholfsen, Trygve R., Working Class Radicalism in Mid-Victorian England (London, 1976)Google Scholar, though Mazzini is mentioned only briefly here (pp. 153–54) and Kossuth not at all. Older works on the period are surprisingly uninformative, e.g., Gillespie, Frances, Labor and Politics in England: 1850–1867 (Durham, N.C., 1927)Google Scholar. This article details arguments sketched briefly in Claeys, Gregory, Citizens and Saints: Politics and Anti-Politics in Early British Socialism (Cambridge, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 8.

2 Weisser's, Henry detailed British Working Class Movements and Europe, 1815–1848 (Manchester, 1975)Google Scholar is good on internationalism in the preceding period. Porter's, Bernard extremely useful The Refugee Question in Mid-Victorian Politics (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar is the best general work in the area, though it does not concentrate on relations between the refugees and domestic radicalism. Also generally helpful is Gossman, Norbert, “British Aid to Polish, Italian and Hungarian Exiles 1830–1870,” South Atlantic Quarterly 68 (1968–1969): 231–45Google Scholar. On Garibaldi, see Trevelyan, G. M., Garibaldi and the Thousand (New York, 1909)Google Scholar; and most recently, Gilley, Sheridan, “The Garibaldi Riots of 1864,” Historical Journal 16 (1973): 697–732CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Some elements of the German radical emigration are detailed in Ashton, Rosemary, Little Germany: Exile and Asylum in Victorian England (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar. More concerned with the ideological consequences of exile is Christine Lattek's forthcoming study, “German Socialist Exiles in London, 1840–1864” (typescript). One segment of this work, concerned with the central theme here, the relations between democratic and socialist exiles, has been published as “Die Emigration der deutschen Achtundvierziger in England: Eine Reine ‘School of Scandal and Meanness’?” in Grossbritannien als Gast- und Exilland für Deutsche im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Niedhart, Gottfried (Bochum, 1985), pp. 22–47Google Scholar.

3 Maccoby, Simon, English Radicalism, 1853–1886 (London, 1938), p. 33Google Scholar; dated but still helpful, however, is Ivanyi's, B. G. “The Working Classes of Britain and Eastern European Revolutions (1848)” (Slavonic and East European Review 26 [1947]: 107–25)Google Scholar, which concentrates, however, on shifting definitions of internationalism in this period.

4 A general account of the revolutions is Robertson, Priscilla, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (New York, 1960)Google Scholar. On British radicalism at this point see esp. Weisser, Henry, April 10: Challenge and Response in England in 1848 (London, 1983)Google Scholar; and Saville, John, 1848: The British State and the Chartist Movement (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar.

5 On Polish political exiles see Brock, Peter, “Polish Democrats and English Radicals 1832–1862,” Journal of Modern History 25 (1953): 139–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the French, see Payne, Howard and Grosshans, Henry, “The Exiled Revolutionaries and the French Political Police in the 1850s,” American Historical Review 68 (1963): 945–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 See Smith, F. B., “British Post Office Espionage, 1844,” Historical Studies 14 (1970): 189–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Leader, no. 87 (November 22, 1851), p. 1112Google Scholar.

8 B. Porter, p. 9; Taylor, A. J. P., The Trouble-Makers (London, 1957), p. 58Google Scholar.

9 See Eyck, F. Gunther, “Mazzini's Young Europe,” Journal of Central European Affairs 17 (1957–1958): 356–77Google Scholar. Biographies include Hinckley, Edyth, Mazzini: The Story of a Great Italian (1924; reprint, London, 1970)Google Scholar; and King's, Bolton older The Life of Mazzini (London, 1912)Google Scholar. Also useful on the earlier period is Wicks, Margaret C., The Italian Exiles in London, 1816–1848 (Manchester, 1937)Google Scholar; Morelli, Emilia, L'Inghilterra di Mazzini (Rome, 1965)Google Scholar; and Rudman, Harry William, Italian Nationalism and English Letters (New York, 1940)Google Scholar. A good recent study of the Italian revolutionary background is Lovett, Clara, The Democratic Movement in Italy, 1830–1876 (Cambridge, Mass., 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mazzini's political thought has also been the subject of various studies. A useful survey is Vaughan, C. E., Studies in the History of Political Philosophy (Manchester, 1925), 2:251–323)Google Scholar.

10 Masson, David, “A Memoir of Mazzini,” Macmillan's Magazine 25 (April 1872): 509Google Scholar; Holyoake, G. J., Bygones Worth Remembering, 2 vols. (London, 1905), 1:202Google Scholar.

11 Wicks, pp. 182–98; British Library (BL) Linton MSS 7:2; Address of the People's International League (London, 1847), p. 22Google Scholar; Commonwealth, no. 2 (May 27, 1848), p. 29Google Scholar; Howitt's Journal of Literature and Popular Progress 2 (1847): 240Google Scholar; Cooper, Thomas, The Life of Thomas Cooper (1872; reprint, Leicester, 1971), pp. 299–300Google Scholar. On the Democratic Friends, see Lattek, Christine, “The Beginnings of Socialist Internationalism in the 1840s: The ‘Democratic Friends of All Nations’ in London,” in Internationalism in the Labour Movement, 1830–1940, ed. van Holthoon, F. L. and van der Linden, Marcel (Leiden, 1988), pp. 259–82Google Scholar.

12 Leader, no. 99 (February 14, 1852), p. 146Google Scholar. The founding of the organization is discussed in much of the correspondence edited by Hoeing, Frederick as “Letters of Mazzini to W. J. Linton,” Journal of Modern History 5 (1933): 55–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Newcastle Public Library, Cowen Collection, item A332.

14 Ledru-Rollin's role in the new organization is discussed in Calman, Alvin R., Ledru-Rollin après 1848 et les proscrits Francais en Angleterre (Paris, 1921), pp. 93–104Google Scholar. Ledru-Rollin was quoted as saying “Je hais le communisme … et, à cette epoche, il se confondait avec le socialisme” (p. 10)Google Scholar. One of the first examples of CEDC propaganda was given in the Leader, no. 29 (October 12, 1850), pp. 679–80Google Scholar. A somewhat unreliable account of its origins is given in Bourgin, Georges, “Mazzini et le Comité Central Démocratique en 1851,” Il risorgimento Italiano 6 (1913): 353–71Google Scholar. Better, though focused less on Mazzini, is Hanschmidt, Alvin, Republikanisch-demokratischer Internationalismus im 19. Jahrhundert (Husum, 1977), pp. 69–85Google Scholar. The organization is also discussed in Christine Lattek (no. 2 above), chap. 3.

15 See Blanc, Louis, Letters on England, 2 vols. (London, 1867), e.g., 1:201–5Google Scholar, on the despotism of public opinion in Britain, a favorite topic of Blanc's; Ledru-Rollin, A., The Decline of England (London, 1850), e.g., pp. 178, 239Google Scholar, on falling wages and the child employment in Britain. The latter work provoked widespread consternation and did the refugees' cause little good.

16 Edwards, E. F., ed., Mazzini's Letters to an English Family, 1844–1872, 3 vols. (London, 1920), 1:53Google Scholar.

17 People's Journal 2 (1847): 116–18, 187–89, 289–93, 361–64Google Scholar; ibid., 3:79–81, 219–22; Smith, F. B., Radical Artisan: William James Linton, 1812–97 (Manchester, 1973), p. 66Google Scholar.

18 People's Journal 3 (1848): 263, 283–84, 345–48Google Scholar.

19 Edwards, ed., 1:208.

20 See Kastner, Eugenio, ed., Mazzini e Kossuth: Lettere e documenti inediti (Florence, 1929), p. 153Google Scholar, for evidence on this point in 1851.

21 Herald of Co-operation 10 (October 1847): 73–74 ffGoogle Scholar. These articles were probably by James Hole.

22 Edwards, ed., 1:65, 130. Mazzini tried to repair the damages with Sand by sending a friend to her in 1855 (ibid., 2:26).

23 Ibid., 1:101. On Blanc generally see Loubère, Leo A., Louis Blanc: His Life and His Contribution to the Rise of French Jacobin Socialism (Chicago, 1966)Google Scholar.

24 On the emergence of this range of radical beliefs from 1820 to 1860, see Claeys (n. 1 above) and on the increasing convergence of socialism and radicalism in the late 1840s, chap. 7 in particular.

25 Douglas Jerrold's Weekly Newspaper, no. 88 (March 18, 1848), p. 370Google Scholar; Northern Star, no. 555 (May 20, 1848), pp. 3 ff.Google Scholar; Spirit of the Age, no. 14 (October 28, 1848), p. 218Google Scholar, Spirit of the Times, no. 8 (April 28, 1849), p. 61Google Scholar; Weekly Tribune, no. 66 (May 25, 1850), p. 5Google Scholar.

26 Herald of Co-operation 18 (June 1848): 145–46Google Scholar; Midland Progressionist 1 (1848): 8–9Google Scholar; Labour League, no. 23 (January 13, 1849), pp. 187–88Google Scholar; Friend of the People 1, no. 1 (December 14, 1850), p. 5Google Scholar; Pioneer, no. 2 (April 26, 1851), pp. 28–29Google Scholar. Even cooperators in the 1860s still occasionally reprinted Blanc's works. See, e.g., the National Cooperative Leader (November 1860): 3–5 ff.Google Scholar, for the entire text of Blanc's “Organization of Labour.”

27 Louis Blanc's Monthly Review (July-November 1849); Blanc, Louis, The Organization of Labour (London, 1848), p. 78Google Scholar.

28 Leader, no. 291 (October 20, 1855), p. 1001Google Scholar; “Letter from Signor Mazzini to Mr. G. J. Holyoake,” June 12, 1852, London, Bishopsgate Institute, file 2Google Scholar.

29 Leader, no. 101 (February 28, 1852), pp. 219–20Google Scholar; no. 105 (March 27, 1852), pp. 290–92; ibid., no. 109 (April 24, 1852), p. 390; Reasoner, no. 307 (1852), pp. 337–39Google Scholar; Jersey Independent, no. 41 (October 4, 1856), p. 1Google Scholar; Secular World, no. 3 (May 24, 1862), pp. 27–28Google Scholar; Working Man 2, no. 23 (March 1, 1862), pp. 78–80Google Scholar.

30 Adams, W. E., Memoirs of a Social Atom, 2 vols. (London, 1902), 1:265–66Google Scholar; English Republic 3 (1854): 1, 106–12, 182–87, 273–81, 288–97Google Scholar; Cause of the People, no. 1 (May 20, 1848), p. 1Google Scholar. Adams and others formed a society with “strict rules” and a catechism that all candidates were required to master.

31 Linton, W. J., Recollections (London, 1872), p. 152Google Scholar; Freethinker's Magazine, no. 7 (December 1, 1850), p. 200Google Scholar; Northern Star, no. 740 (January 10, 1852), p. 8Google Scholar; Cause of the People, no. 1 (May 21, 1848), p. 1Google Scholar; English Republic 1 (1851): 10Google Scholar; BL Linton MSS 2:102, 1:3–4, 5:131, 2:175–77, 92–94, 1:154, 5:14–15.

32 For example, Gossman, Norbert, “Republicanism in Nineteenth Century England,” International Review of Social History 7 (1962): 56–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; T. Tholfsen (n. 1 above), p. 99; Jones, David, Chartism and the Chartists (London, 1975), p. 164Google Scholar.

33 English Republic 1 (1851): 125Google Scholar.

34 The Ruskin disciple Kineton Parkes also reissued the English Republic in 1891.

35 Harrison, J. F. C., “Chartism in Leeds,” in Chartist Studies, ed. Briggs, Asa (London, 1959), pp. 96–97Google Scholar.

36 BL Linton MSS 7:138, 8:26.

37 BL Linton MSS 9:4, 116–17.

38 The most extensive treatment of the journal is Smith (n. 17 above), pp. 89–126. Smith's is also the only modern biography of Linton.

39 Republican (1848), pp. 43–45Google Scholar; English Republic 1 (1851): 18–23Google Scholar; 2 (1852–53): 69–70, 138; 1 (1851): 233–42, 179.

40 Republican (1848), pp. 43–45, 84Google Scholar; People 5, no. 23 (June 5, 1852): 30Google Scholar; Sheffield Free Press, no. 4 (January 25, 1851), p. 6Google Scholar; Smith, p. 107.

41 Family Herald 4 (1846): 331Google Scholar.

42 On the treatment of economic regulation in early British socialism and the problems associated with embracing more centralist views, see Claeys, Gregory, Machinery, Money and the Millennium: From Moral Economy to Socialism, 1815–1860 (Princeton, N.J., 1987)Google Scholar.

43 English Leader, no. 2 (January 13, 1866), p. 15Google Scholar; no. 30 (March 10, 1866), p. 118; Holyoake (n. 10 above), 1:209.

44 Contemporary Review 20 (1872): 155–71, 566–83Google Scholar. An Italian attempt to refute these efforts was Bozzini, Francesco, Il socialismo scientifico e la dottrina sociale di Mazzini (Torino, 1895)Google Scholar.

45 Jersey Independent, n.s., no. 99 (October 24, 1860), p. 4Google Scholar; Working Man, no. 25 (May 1862), pp. 121–22Google Scholar; Reynolds's Weekly Newspaper, no. 114 (October 17, 1853), p. 3Google Scholar.

46 On Kossuth see Deak, Istvan, The Lawful Revolution: Louis Kossuth and the Hungarians, 1848–1849 (New York, 1979)Google Scholar.

47 Douglas Jerrold's Weekly Newspaper, no. 170 (October 13, 1849).

48 Edwards, ed. (n. 16 above), 1:154. On relations between the two leaders, see Kastner (n. 20 above).

49 Glasgow Sentinel, no. 37 (June 14, 1851), pp. 1, 4Google Scholar; Standard of Freedom, no. 57 (July 28, 1849), p. 12Google Scholar.

50 Sheffield Free Press, no. 43 (October 25, 1851), p. 5Google Scholar; Operative, no. 43 (October 25, 1851), p. 130Google Scholar, no. 44 (November 1, 1851), p. 137; Northern Star, no. 730 (November 1, 1851), p. 1Google Scholar; Hilson, John, Kossuth in Exile (Manchester, 1856), p. 9Google Scholar; Sheffield Free Press, no. 46 (November 15, 1851), p. 7Google Scholar; Porter, , Refugee Question (n. 2 above), p. 108Google Scholar. One account estimates that no less than a hundred books and a thousand articles were dedicated to Kossuth's visit to England (Deak, pp. 345–46).

51 Glasgow Sentinel, no. 56 (October 25, 1851), p. 4Google Scholar; no. 39 (June 28, 1851), p. 3; Sheffield Free Press, no. 44 (November 1, 1852), p. 5Google Scholar; Glasgow Sentinel, no. 58 (November 8, 1851), pp. 2, 4Google Scholar.

52 Sheffield Free Press, no. 44 (November 1, 1851), p. 8Google Scholar; Jay, William, The Kossuth Excitement (Boston, 1852), p. 3Google Scholar.

53 Uxbridge Spirit of Freedom 7 (October 1849): 95Google Scholar.

54 The vast numbers who turned out to cheer Kossuth throws into doubt Gossman's conclusion that Kossuth's support was primarily middle class, and not radical (“British Aid” [n. 2 above], p. 243).

55 Glasgow Sentinel, no. 58 (November 8, 1851), p. 4Google Scholar.

56 Standard of Freedom, no. 171 (October 4, 1851), p. 5Google Scholar; no. 790 (November 1, 1851), p. 617; Kossuth: His Speeches in England, With a Brief Sketch of His Life (London, c. 1851), pp. 77, 15–16, 22, 44, 56Google Scholar; Glasgow Sentinel, no. 57 (November 1, 1851), p. 2Google Scholar.

57 Authentic Life of His Excellency Louis Kossuth (London, 1851), p. 63Google Scholar; Glasgow Sentinel, no. 59 (November 15, 1851), p. 2Google Scholar. Kossuth's theory of federalism and nationalism are treated in Deak, Istvan, “Lajos Kossuth's Nationalism and Internationalism,” Austrian History Yearbook 12–13 (1976–1977): 48–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58 Sheffield Free Press, no. 44 (November 1, 1852), p. 5Google Scholar. See also, e.g., the Home 2, no. 27 (November 22, 1851): 234Google Scholar, where “Alfred” praised Kossuth for teaching that freedom was based on local institutions.

59 Operative, no. 72 (May 15, 1852), pp. 436–37Google Scholar; Standard of Freedom, no. 119 (May 5, 1850), p. 9Google Scholar. The reaction of the government to the refugees is discussed in Porter (n. 2 above), pp. 126–69. Still useful on this topic is de Groot, Emil, “Contemporary Political Opinion and the Revolutions of 1848,” History 38 (1953): 134–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 Standard of Freedom, no. 793 (November 22, 1851), p. 665Google Scholar; Jersey Independent, no. 60 (December 10, 1856), p. 1Google Scholar.

61 Leader, no. 89 (December 6, 1851), p. 1167Google Scholar; no. 87 (November 22, 1851), p. 1104; Robert Owen's Journal 3, no. 71 (March 6, 1852): 154Google Scholar; Northern Star, no. 733 (November 22, 1851), p. 1Google Scholar.

62 People's Paper, no. 27 (November 6, 1852), p. 3Google Scholar; Reynolds's Weekly Newspaper, no. 117 (November 7, 1853), p. 4Google Scholar. O'Brien also later defended Kossuth against the charge of being an “aristocrat” (ibid., no. 261 [August 12, 1855], p. 4).

63 Plummer, Alfred, Bronterre: A Political Biography of Bronterre O'Brien, 1804–1864 (London, 1971), pp. 222–23Google Scholar.

64 For this argument, see, e.g., Working Man 2, no. 27 (July 1862): 181Google Scholar.

65 Sheffield Free Press, no. 33 (August 16, 1851), p. 6Google Scholar; Notes to the People 2 (1852): 606Google Scholar; Reynolds's Weekly Newspaper, no. 134 (March 6, 1853), p. 1Google Scholar; no. 330 (December 7, 1856), p. 1; no. 270 (October 14, 1855), p. 1.

66 Leader, no. 115 (May 5, 1852), p. 529Google Scholar; Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, Collected Works (London, 1975–), 38:502–3, 488, 279, 381, 502, 267Google Scholar; 39:107, 158; 10:537. Among the other German refugees, J. G. Eccarius, e.g., continued to support Kossuth in the belief that “a middle-class revolution in Hungary is as great a step of progress as proletarian revolution in England” (Notes to the People 2 [1852]: 887Google Scholar).

67 Kossuth, Louis, Memories of My Exile (London, 1880), pp. 26–27, 69–70Google Scholar.

68 See Komlos, John H., Louis Kossuth in America, 1851–1852 (Buffalo, N.Y., 1973)Google Scholar.

69 See Kabdebo, Thomas, “The Rocket Affair and Its Background: Kossuth and Pulszky in the Spring of 1853,” East European Quarterly 4 (1971): 419–29Google Scholar. On Kossuth in this period, see Komlos, John, “Louis Kossuth's Activities during the Second Italian War of Independence,” East European Quarterly 11 (1977): 43–63Google Scholar.

70 People's Paper, no. 41 (February 12, 1853), p. 5Google Scholar; Political Examiner, no. 2 (March 9, 1853), p. 21Google Scholar; Edwards, , ed., Mazzini's Letters (n. 16 above), 1:345, 248Google Scholar.

71 People's Paper, no. 80 (November 12, 1853), p. 1Google Scholar; Sheffield Free Press, no. 246 (September 15, 1855), p. 5Google Scholar. See Briggs, Asa, “David Urquhart and the West Riding Foreign Affairs Committees,” Bradford Antiquary, n.s., 39 (1958): 197–207Google Scholar; Shannon, Richard, “David Urquhart and the Foreign Affairs Committees,” in Pressure from Without in Early Victorian England, ed. Hollis, Patricia (London, 1974), pp. 239–61Google Scholar; and Salt, John, “Local Manifestations of the Urquhartite Movement,” International Review of Social History 13 (1968): 350–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Salt has estimated that some sixty-nine committees eventually were formed (p. 361).

72 Northern Tribune 2 (1855): 105Google Scholar; Newcastle Public Library, Cowen Collection, A267. On Cowen and Urquhart, see Brock, Peter, “Joseph Cowen and the Polish Exiles,” Slavonic Review 32 (1953–1954): 52–69Google Scholar.

73 See, e.g., Northern Reform Record (July 1858), p. 11Google Scholar.

74 Manifesto of the Republican Party (1855), p. 3Google Scholar.

75 Sheffield Free Press, no. 70 (May 1, 1852), p. 2Google Scholar; Democrat and Labour Advocate, no. 4 (November 24, 1855), p. 13Google Scholar; People's Paper, no. 182 (October 27, 1855), p. 1Google Scholar. Probably responding to this, one of Mazzini's English disciples, the Chartist John Sketchley, wrote to the journal distinguishing between socialism and communism and arguing that Mazzini attacked only the abolition of private property and individuality (no. 187 [December 1, 1855], p. 5). Sketchley supported “the individuality, the humanity, and the rationality of each human being, each as an integrant of the body politic” but also advocated common ownership of land and exchange on the basis of equivalent proportions of labor (no. 255 [March 21, 1857], p. 1).

76 Blanc, Louis, Observations on the Recent Manifesto of Kossuth, Ledru Rollin and Mazzini (London, 1855), pp. 4, 7Google Scholar; People's Paper, no. 274 (August 1, 1857), p. 5Google Scholar. Sketchley again defended Mazzini on this occasion.

77 On Ironside's early efforts, see Sheffield Free Press, no. 5 (February 1, 1851), p. 2Google Scholar. The role of Sheffield in mid-Victorian radicalism is discussed in Salt, “Local Manifestations of the Urquhart Movement.”

78 Sheffield Free Press, no. 45 (November 8, 1851), p. 7Google Scholar; Kastner, , ed., Mazzini e Kossuth (n. 20 above), pp. 43–44Google Scholar; Sheffield Free Press, no. 46 (November 15, 1851), p. 7Google Scholar; no. 54 (January 10, 1852), p. 6. See generally Kabdebo, Thomas, “Lord Dudley Stuart and the Hungarian Refugees of 1849,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 44 (1971): 258–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

79 Haraszti, Eva, Chartism (Budapest, 1978), p. 246Google Scholar; Power of the Pence, no. 13 (January 27, 1849), p. 205Google Scholar; Smith, Joshua Toulmin, Local Self-Government and Centralization (London, 1851), pp. 11–12, 348–58Google Scholar; Sheffield Free Press, no. 214 (February 3, 1855), p. 6Google Scholar; Leader, no. 228 (August 5, 1854), p. 732Google Scholar; no. 230 (August 19, 1854), p. 781. Smith was also the author of The Parish: Its Obligations and Powers: Its Offices and Their Duties (London, 1854)Google Scholar. On him, see Greenleaf, W. H., “Toulmin Smith and the British Political Tradition,” Public Administration 53 (1975): 25–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The wartime context of the Anti-Centralization Union is sketched in Anderson's, OliveA Liberal State at War: English Politics and Economics during the Crimean War (London, 1967), pp. 134–39Google Scholar. On Ironsides's schemes, see especially Salt, John, “Experiments in Anarchism, 1850–1854,” Transactions of the Hunter Archaeological Society 10 (1971): 37–53Google Scholar. The centralization debate generally is sketched in Roberts, David, Victorian Origins of the British Welfare State (New Haven, Conn., 1960), pp. 67–104Google Scholar. Also useful are Lubenow, William, The Politics of Government Growth (Newton Abbot, 1971)Google Scholar; and Corrigan, Philip and Sayer's, Derek penetrating The Great Arch (Oxford, 1982), pp. 114–65Google Scholar.

80 Constitutionalist, no. 15 (October 6, 1839), p. 2Google Scholar; English Chartist Circular 8 (1841): 36Google Scholar; Chartist, no. 12 (April 21, 1839), p. 3Google Scholar; Charter, no. 38 (October 13, 1838), p. 593Google Scholar.

81 Northern Star, no. 470 (October 24, 1846), p. 5Google Scholar. Oastler's comments, which provoked Kydd's immediate response, are in no. 466 (October 17, 1846), p. 6.

82 Northern Star, no. 518 (September 25, 1847), p. 4Google Scholar; People's Paper 4, no. 205 (April 5, 1856), pp. 1, 5Google Scholar; no. 278 (August 29, 1857), p. 4; no. 290 (November 21, 1857), p. 5; no. 303 (February 20, 1858), p. 1.

83 Porter, , Refugee Question (n. 2 above), pp. 41–42Google Scholar.

84 On the later course of British republicanism, see Harrison, Royden, Before the Socialists: Studies in Labour and Politics, 1861–1881 (London, 1965)Google Scholar; and D'Arcy, Fergus, “Charles Bradlaugh and the English Republican Movement, 1868–1878,” Historical Journal 25 (1982): 367–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.