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The Independents Reconsidered*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2014
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It seems impossible to begin an article these days without invoking, either as saint or devil, the shade of Sir Lewis Namier. Those who inhabit regions remote from the classic years around 1760 are absolved from acquiring more than a general understanding of the reversionary interest, the Court and Treasury party, and the rest of the Namierite stock in trade. Yet the merits and limitations of the methodology must concern and fascinate scholars who reassess the traditional interpretations of other periods of English history. They should not, as the Master of Peterhouse has warned, swallow the Namier method whole. But used with due caution, it may offer valuable insights for other centuries besides the eighteenth. The rigorous compilation and analysis of biographical data, the penetration of ideological smokescreens to the deeper motives behind them, the ruthless discarding of outworn shibboleths like “party,” the careful use of sociological criteria: at their best the Namierites have much to offer historians of other periods. Sir John Neale has applied the method, with modifications, to the reign of Elizabeth I, Norman Gash has carried it into the age of Peel, while the authentic members of the school proceed with their task of cleaning up the eighteenth century.
The winds of Namierite change have begun to blow only fitfully, however, in the seventeenth century. One reason for this, perhaps, is that historians of the Stuart period have generally been absorbed in destroying each other on the gentry battlefield, or attempting in more constructive ways to solve the politico-economic problems of the “Century of Revolution”; there has been less effort applied to the details of parliamentary affairs.
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Footnotes
Completion of this paper was assisted by a grant from the Research Committee of the University of Virginia, which I acknowledge with gratitude. D. E. U.
References
1. This is all the more surprising in view of the mass of evidence unearthed and published by Wallace Notestein and his collaborators. Besides the books on the Long Parliament mentioned below there are of course others which show signs of “Namierite” inspiration; e.g. Moir, Thomas L., The Addled Parliament of 1614 (Oxford, 1958)Google Scholar.
2. Keeler, Mary F., The Long Parliament, 1640-1641 [Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, XXXVI] (Philadelphia, 1954)Google Scholar.
3. Brunton, D. and Pennington, D. H., Members of the Long Parliament (London, 1954)Google Scholar. The book was subjected to some searching criticism (marred by a crude application of Marxist categories) by Brian Manning in Past and Present, Nos. 5 and 6 (1954).
4. Brunton, and Pennington, , Long Parliament, pp. 38–39Google Scholar.
5. Hexter, J. H., The Reign of King Pym (Cambridge, Mass., 1941)Google Scholar.
6. Ibid., pp. 39, 66.
7. Hexter, J. H., “The Problem of the Presbyterian Independents,” A.H.R., XLIV (1938–1939), 29–49Google Scholar.
8. Yule, George, The Independents in the English Civil War (Cambridge, 1958)Google Scholar.
9. Ibid., p. 39.
10. Hexter, J. H., review of Yule, George, The Independents in the English Civil War, A.H.R., LXIV (1958–1959), 362–63Google Scholar. Hexter qualifies this concession slightly in Reappraisals in History (London, 1961), p. 184nGoogle Scholar. It is, however, relevant to point out that Yule's thesis was a more acceptable one to the Hexter of “Storm Over the Gentry” than to the Hexter of “The Problem of the Presbyterian Independents.”
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12. Made unnecessarily difficult to use, however, by alphabetical irregularities (Ewers after Eye [correctly Eyre], Stockdale after Strickland); use of uncommon spellings (Thomas Malovers for Sir Thomas Mauleverer); inconsistency in use of family names or titles (the brothers Algernon and Philip Sidney are separated by fourteen pages, the latter appearing under his title, Lord Lisle); omissions and errors in constituencies (Gratewicke sat for Hastings, Philip Smith for Marlborough, not Southwark).
13. Yule apparently follows Brunton and Pennington's appendix for the names of active members of the Rump. Brunton and Pennington include three of the above as Independents, but omit Popham, who makes several appearances in the Journals.
14. If these two, why not the Independent Aldermen Foote, Packe. and Wollaston?
15. Ogle, O.et al. (eds.), Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers (Oxford, 1869–1932), IV, 222Google Scholar.
16. Walker, Clement, The Mystery of the Two Juntoes, Presbyterian and Independent (London, 1661), pp. 4, 15Google Scholar. I have modernized spellings in passages quoted in this article.
17. Walker, Clement, The History of Independency (London, 1661), I, 141Google Scholar. This seems more convincing than Hugh Trevor-Roper's attempt to establish continuity between the Civil War Independents and the later independent country gentry, or Tories.
18. The examples given are culled from several of Prynne's pamphlets. I am grateful to William M. Lamont for confirming, out of his unrivalled knowledge of Prynne, my impression that Prynne used the term Independent very sparingly. I know of only one instance after 1647 in which Prynne uses the word in a political sense: in his Sad and Serious Political! Considerations, Touching the invasive War against our Presbyterian Protestant Brethren in Scotland (London, 1650)Google Scholar.
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24. Brunton and Pennington, on the other hand, seem to regard active membership of the Rump as the sole test of Independency. This is even less satisfactory, leading to the classification of the undoubtedly Independent William Pierrepont and Sir John Evelyn of Wiltshire as Presbyterians because they retired after the Purge.
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27. Journals of the House of Commons 1547-1714 (London, 1803), VI, 93–97Google Scholar. Prynne, William, A Full Declaration of the True State of the Secluded Members Case (London, 1660), pp. 14–18Google Scholar.
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38. The best discussion of Fairfax's position is to be found in Firth's article in the Dictionary of National Biography, rather than in the biographies by Markham and Gibb. See also Underdown, Royalist Conspiracy, passim., and Woolrych, A. H., “Yorkshire and the Restoration,” Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, XXXIX (1958), 483–507Google Scholar.
39. Prynne gives lists of secluded members and of those “now sitting” in 1659, in his A Full Declaration, App.; A True and Perfect Narrative of What was done … the 7. and 9. of this instant May (London, 1659), pp. 34–35Google Scholar; and Conscientious, Serious Theological and Legal Quaeres (London, 1660), pp. 45–48Google Scholar. The lists contain slight variations; compare the list in Masson, David, Life of John Milton (London, 1859–1894), V, 453–54Google Scholar.
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45. Abbott, , Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, I, 590.Google ScholarA second Narrative of the late Padiatnent, (London, 1658)Google Scholar, in Oldys, W. and Park, T. (eds.), Harleian Miscellany (London, 1808–1813), III, 485Google Scholar.
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47. Journals of the House of Commons, VII, 789–90Google Scholar.
48. See, for example, Certaine Considerations touching, the Present Factions in the Kings Dominions (London, 1648), p. 2Google Scholar; and [Bate], A Compendious Narrative, pp. 134-35. Walker's, statement is in History of Independency, I, 75.Google Scholar
49. Clarendon, , History of the Rebellion, Bk. VIII, § 260Google Scholar; Bk. XI, §§ 155, 180. Abbott, , Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, I, 674–79Google Scholar. Gardiner, Samuel R., History of the Great Civil War (London, 1886–1891), III, 512Google Scholar.
50. The negotiations are described in Firth, C. H., The House of Lords during the Civil War (London, 1910), pp. 276–79Google Scholar. For further details see Scrope, R. and Monkhouse, T. (eds.), State Papers Collected by Edward, Earl of Clarendon (Oxford, 1767–1786), III, 392Google Scholar; Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, IV, 533–683Google Scholarpassim; Coate, , Letter-Book of John Viscount Mordaunt, pp. 48-49, 82, 95Google Scholar; Carte, Thomas (ed.), Collection of Original Letters and Papers (London, 1739), II, 130, 256Google Scholar; Warner, G. F. (ed.), The Nicholas Papers (London, 1886–1920), IV, 193-94, 205Google Scholar; and SirWarwick, Philip, Memoirs of the Reign of King Charles the First (Edinburgh, 1813), p. 465Google Scholar. For the move to recall Richard Cromwell, see also Pepys, Samuel, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Wheatley, H. B. (London, 1893–1899), I, 77–83, Mar. 2-6, 1660Google Scholar.
51. A second Narrative in Oldys, and Park, , Harleian Miscellany, III, 478.Google Scholar
52. Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, II, 217Google Scholar.
53. Pepys, , Diary of Samuel Pepys, I, 142, May 15, 1660.Google Scholar
54. Clarendon, , History of the Rebellion, Bk. XI, § 155.Google Scholar
55. Firth, C. H. (ed.), “A Letter from Lord Saye and Sele to Lord Wharton,” E.H.R., X (1895), 106–07Google Scholar.
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57. For the material in this paragraph, see also Firth, , House of Lords, pp. 271–84Google Scholar; and Davies, , Restoration of Charles II, pp. 305, 338Google Scholar.
58. Thomas May, A Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England, in Maseres, Select Tracts, I, 98Google Scholar.
59. Brunton, and Pennington, , Long Parliament, ch. iii, and p. 182Google Scholar.
60. I am not suggesting that socio-economic questions of this kind are the only ones that need answering, or that they are necessarily the most important. For instance, as Yule's book shows, there are still many uncertainties about the religious loyalties even of his Independents.
61. Everitt, A. M., The County Committee of Kent in the Civil War (Leicester, 1957)Google Scholar. Pennington, D. H. and Roots, I. A. (eds.), The Committee at Stafford, 1643-1645 [Staffordshire Record Society] (Manchester, 1957)Google Scholar, Intro. With characteristic caution Pennington is unwilling to draw the conclusions obviously warranted by his material. See Committee at Stafford, esp. Intro., pp. xxii-xxiii, lxxiv.
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