¹ Papers of Arthur Creech Jones, Rhodes House Library, Oxford, MS British Empire S 332, box 1, rile 2, fols. 194–97, n.d.: manuscript account of his thoughts in Wandsworth prison; quoted with permission from Violet Creech Jones.

² In addition, thirty-three were punished by death, twenty-one were fined, and 245 were transported; see Radzinowicz, Leon and Hood, Roger, The Emergence of Penal Policy, vol. 5 of A History of English Criminal Law and Its Administration from 1750 (London, 1986), p. 777Google Scholar. In a move to privatize punishment, public executions were abandoned in 1868; thereafter, hanging took place behind prison walls; see Gatrell, V. A. C., The Hanging Tree: Execution and the English People, 1770–1868 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 589–611Google Scholar; McGowen, R., “Civilizing Punishment: The End of the Public Execution in England,” Journal of British Studies 33 (July 1994): 257–82Google Scholar.

³ See Henriques, U., “The Rise and Decline of the Separate System of Prison Discipline,” Past and Present, no. 54 (1972): 61–93Google Scholar; Bailey, Victor, ed., Policing and Punishment in Nineteenth Century Britain (London, 1981), pp. 11–24Google Scholar; Ignatieff, Michael, “State, Civil Society, and Total Institutions: A Critique of Recent Social Histories of Punishment,” in Crime and Justice: An Annual Review of Research, ed. Tonry, M. and Morris, N., vol. 3 (Chicago, 1981), pp. 153–92Google Scholar; McConville, S., A History of English Prison Administration, 1750–1877 (London, 1981), chaps. 6–8, 11–13Google Scholar; DeLacy, M., Prison Reform in Lancashire, 1700–1850 (Stanford, Calif., 1986)Google Scholar; Sharpe, J. A., Judicial Punishment in England (London, 1990), pp. 61–87Google Scholar; Emsley, Clive, “The History of Crime and Crime Control Institutions, c. 1770–c. 1945,” in The Oxford Handbook of Criminology, ed. Maguire, M., Morgan, R., and Reiner, R. (Oxford, 1994), chap. 4Google Scholar. Pentonville was initially used for convicts aged eighteen to thirty-five who were sentenced to transportation for their first offense. They spent eighteen (later reduced to nine) months in separate confinement before going to the penal colony. The period of separate confinement was applied to all penal servitude sentences after 1857.

⁴ Quoted in Radzinowicz and Hood, p. 545.

⁵ See ibid., chap. 16, and p. 777; Sharpe, pp. 66–67, 85; Gatrell, V. A. C., “The Decline of Theft and Violence in Victorian and Edwardian England,” in Crime and the Law, ed. Gatrell, V. A. C., Lenman, B., and Parker, G. (London, 1980)Google Scholar, chap. 9. Du Cane's rigorous administration of the local prison system is exhaustively detailed in Sean Taylor, McConville, English Local Prisons, 1860–1900: Next Only to Death (London, 1995)Google Scholar, chaps. 4–10. For the “classical school,” see Ian, et al., The New Criminology (London, 1973; 4th impression, London, 1977), pp. 2–5Google Scholar.

⁶ Herbert Gladstone was first commissioner of works in the Liberal government and previously parliamentary undersecretary at the Home Office.

⁷ Report from the Departmental Committee on Prisons, C. 7702, Parliamentary Papers (PP), 1895, vol. 56, p. 5Google Scholar. For a full account of the vigorous public campaign for a prison inquiry, see McConville, English Local Prisons, chap. 13. The Irish nationalists in Parliament, many of whom had been imprisoned for political offenses, were also critical of prison administration. Their influence was strong enough to get one of their number, Arthur O'Connor, onto the Departmental Committee. See Davitt, Michael, The Prison Life of Michael Davitt, Related by Himself (Dublin, 1882), pp. 10–18Google Scholar, and “Criminal and Prison Reform,” Nineteenth Century 36 (December 1894): 875–89Google Scholar; Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 3d ser., vol. 319 (August 22, 1887)Google Scholar, col. 1485 (Arthur O'Connor).

⁸ See Stokes, John, In the Nineties (Chicago, 1989), pp. 96–99Google Scholar; Havighurst, A. F., Radical Journalist: H. W. Massingham (1860–1924) (Cambridge, 1974), p. 65Google Scholar.

⁹ See Morrison, McConville, English Local Prisons, pp. 554–77Google Scholar; Stokes, p. 96; Radzinowicz and Hood, p. 574. See also W., D., “Are Our Prisons a Failure?” Fortnightly Review 55 (April 1894): 459–69Google Scholar. For Morrison's evidence to the Gladstone Committee, see Minutes of Evidence to the Departmental Committee on Prisons, C. 7702–I, PP, 1895, vol. 56, pp. 158–84Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Letters, Daily Chronicle (May 27, 1897; March 24, 1898), reprinted in Wilde, Oscar, The Soul of Man and Prison Writings (Oxford, 1990), pp. 159–67, 190–96Google Scholar. Wilde completed his sentence on May 19, 1897.

¹¹ Quoted in Havighurst, p. 67. See Ellmann, Richard, Oscar Wilde (New York, 1988), pp. 479–532Google Scholar.

¹² Report from the Departmental Committee on Prisons, C. 7702, PP, 1895, vol. 56, p. 11Google Scholar, par. 23.

¹³ Harding, Morrison, “Are Our Prisons a Failure?” p. 468Google Scholar. See Christopher, , “‘The Inevitable End of a Discredited System’? The Origins of the Gladstone Committee Report on Prisons, 1895,” Historical Journal 31 (1988): 598–600Google Scholar; McConville, , English Local Prisons, pp. 559–61, 581–83Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See Cornish, W. R. and Hart, J., Crime and Law in Nineteenth Century Britain (Dublin, 1978), pp. 38–39Google Scholar; Radzinowicz and Hood (n. 2 above), pp. 576–79; McConville, English Local Prisons, chap. 15.

¹⁵ See Ellmann, p. 480; Wilde's, letter to the Daily Chronicle (March 24, 1898)Google Scholar, in Wilde, , The Soul of Man, pp. 193–94Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Haldane, R. B., An Autobiography (London, 1929), pp. 166–67Google Scholar; Ellmann, p. 495; Wilde, The Ballad of Reading Gaol, lines 559–70, in Wilde, , The Soul of Man, pp. 186–87Google Scholar; McConville, , English Local Prisons (n. 5 above), pp. 598–99Google Scholar.

¹⁷ See Foucault, Michel, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1975; reprint, London, 1977)Google Scholar; Ignatieff, M., A Just Measure of Pain: The Penitentiary in the Industrial Revolution, 1750–1850 (New York, 1978)Google Scholar. See also Bailey, Victor, “The Fabrication of Deviance: ‘Dangerous Classes’ and ‘Criminal Classes’ in Victorian England,” in Protest and Survival: Essays for E. P. Thompson, ed. Rule, J. and Malcolmson, R. (London, 1993), pp. 221–56Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Garland, David, Punishment and Welfare: A History of Penal Strategies (Aldershot, 1985)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Ibid., chap. 1. See also Garland, David, “The Criminal and His Science: A Critical Account of the Formation of Criminology at the End of the Nineteenth Century,” British Journal of Criminology 25 (April 1985): 109–37Google Scholar.

²⁰ Lombroso, Cesare, L'Uomo delinquente (Milan, 1876)Google Scholar. See Radzinowicz, L., Ideology and Crime (New York, 1966), pp. 50–56Google Scholar; Matza, David, Delinquency and Drift (1964)Google Scholar, chap. 1; Taylor et al. (n. 5 above), pp. 10–23; Garland, D., “Of Crimes and Criminals: The Development of Criminology in Britain,” in Maguire, et al., eds. (n. 3 above), pp. 37–42Google Scholar.

²¹ Garland, Punishment and Welfare, chaps. 3–5, and Punishment and Modern Society: A Study in Social Theory (Chicago, 1990), pp. 206–9Google Scholar. And see Harding, p. 608. In recent years, Garland has enriched his approach to the history of “penality” by incorporating discussion of the links between penal institutions and cultural phenomena; see Punishment and Modern Society, chaps. 9–11. Nonetheless, he stands by his original conception of a new Edwardian “penal-welfare complex,” characterized by “its distinctively positive approach to the reform of deviants, its extensive use of interventionist agencies, its deployment of social work and psychiatric expertise, its concern to regulate, manage, and normalize rather than immediately to punish, and of course its new ‘welfarist’ self-representation” (ibid., p. 128).

²² Foucault, p. 82.

²³ Wiener, Martin J., Reconstructing the Criminal: Culture, Law, and Policy in England, 1830–1914 (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar, chap. 6.

²⁴ Ibid., p. 339.

²⁵ Ibid., p. 379. McConville, English Local Prisons, chap. 12, also emphasizes the contribution of a new generation of Home Office clerks, including Ruggles-Brise, to penal change. McConville makes no attempt, however, to engage with the important discussion of the influence of positivist criminology on English penal policy and administration. Lombroso is mentioned only in relation to Du Cane's penal thought (p. 182); positivism is referred to but once, with regard to W. D. Morrison (p. 562, n. 59); Garland receives three inconsequential footnotes, Wiener none. Indeed, Wiener's Reconstructing the Criminal does not even figure in McConville's bibliography.

²⁶ In this I have built on the suggestive remarks to be found in Radzinowicz and Hood (n. 2 above), chaps. 1, 17; and Forsythe, W. J., Penal Discipline, Reformatory Projects and the English Prison Commission, 1895–1939 (Exeter, 1990)Google Scholar, chap. 1.

²⁷ See Jose Harris's convincing reassessment of the role of Idealist thought in the development of the welfare state: “Political Thought and the Welfare State, 1870–1940: An Intellectual Framework for British Social Policy,” Past and Present, no. 135 (May 1992): 117–39Google ScholarPubMed.

²⁸ Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser., vol. 55 (March 24, 1898)Google Scholar, col. 837. See Garland, , Punishment and Welfare (n. 18 above), pp. 216–17Google Scholar. The most complete account of the 1898 Prisons Bill, and of the unsuccessful press and parliamentary campaign to deepen its reforming effect on the prison system, is in McConville, English Local Prisons (n. 5 above), chap. 17. The Second Reading of the Bill prompted Oscar Wilde to write to the Daily Chronicle (March 24, 1898), to catalog what he termed the “three permanent punishments authorised by law in English prisons”: hunger, insomnia, and disease. See Wilde, , The Soul of Man (n. 10 above), pp. 190–96Google Scholar. See also McConville, , English Local Prisons, pp. 708–10, 755–56Google Scholar.

²⁹ Morrison, Garland, Punishment and Welfare, p. 217Google Scholar. See W., D., “Prison Reform: I.-Prisons and Prisoners,” Fortnightly Review 63 (May 1898): 781–89Google Scholar.

³⁰ See Report of the Indian Jails Committee, 1919–20, Cmd. 1303, PP, 1921, vol. 10, pp. 447–50Google Scholar.

³¹ See the Advisory Council on the Penal System, Sentences of Imprisonment: A Review of Maximum Penalties (London, 1978), p. 64Google Scholar.

³² More strictly, the period of separate confinement undergone by convicts was three months for the “Star” class, six months for “Intermediates,” and nine months for recidivists and revokees.

³³ Nation (May 1, 8, 1909). The Nation was the main mouthpiece of the New Liberalism.

³⁴ Public Record Office (PRO), London, Prison Commission (P.Com.) 7/308; E. Ruggles-Brise memo, June 10, 1909, P.Com. 7/309.

³⁵ PRO, P.Com. 7/309; Marrot, H. V., The Life and Letters of John Galsworthy (London, 1935), pp. 250, 677Google Scholar; Garnett, E., ed., Letters from John Galsworthy, 1900–1932 (London, 1934), p. 174Google Scholar.

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³⁷ Galsworthy, J., Justice (New York, 1910), pp. 81–84Google Scholar; E. Ruggles-Brise to W. Churchill, March 21, 1910, PRO, P.Com. 7/309. C. F. G. Masterman, parliamentary undersecretary at the Home Office, told Galsworthy at a Nation lunch in April that “he had turned the Home Office upside down with Justice”; quoted in Havighurst (n. 8 above), p. 163. Galsworthy kept up the pressure with a Penal Reform League leaflet, The Spirit of Punishment (London, 1910)Google Scholar.

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³⁹ Fry, S. Margery, “The State in Its Relation to Law-Breakers,” Friends Fellowship Papers (May 1920): 67Google Scholar. She also mentioned the prison experiences of the militant suffragists.

⁴⁰ Snowden, Philip Viscount, An Autobiography (London, 1934), 1:410Google Scholar; Kennedy, T. C., “Public Opinion and the Conscientious Objector, 1915–1919,” Journal of British Studies 12 (May 1973): 113Google Scholar.

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⁴³ See Boulton, p. 223; Peet, Hubert W., “Some Fruits of Silence,” Friends Quarterly Examiner (April 1920): 127–30Google Scholar. Most of the leadership and the rank and file of the No-Conscription Fellowship were from the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the Quaker Society of Friends; see Kennedy, , “Public Opinion and the Conscientious Objector, 1915–1919,” p. 107Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ See Wallhead, R. C., In Jail,” Socialist Review 15 (April-June 1918): 175Google Scholar; Gilbert, Martin, Plough My Own Furrow: The Story of Lord Allen of Hurtwood as Told through His Writings and Correspondence (London, 1965), pp. 62, 66–68Google Scholar; Mason, E. Williamson, Made Free in Prison (London, 1918), pp. 134–35, 191–92Google Scholar; Catchpool, T. Corder, On Two Fronts (London, 1918), p. 171Google Scholar; Hobhouse, S., An English Prison from Within (London, 1919), pp. 29, 33Google Scholar; Brockway, A. Fenner, “Prisons as Crime Factories” (ILP pamphlet, London, 1919), pp. 4–8Google Scholar. If the silence rule were truly enforced, said Brockway, 90 percent of prisoners would lose their reason within a few months. See the comments made by the Poplar councillors imprisoned in September 1921 in Branson, N., Poplarism, 1919–1925: George Lansbury and the Councillors' Revolt (London, 1979), pp. 67–68Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Papers of Arthur Creech Jones, Rhodes House Library, Oxford, MS British Empire S 332, box 1, file 2, fols. 194–97, n.d.: account of his thoughts in Wandsworth prison, quoted with permission from Violet Creech Jones. Creech Jones also noted: “We were always in touch with the ordinary prisoners. Many of them were incorrigible, infirm, maimed; some almost utterly depraved.”

⁴⁶ Nine conscientious objectors died in prison; approximately sixty others died later from the aftereffects of prison treatment. See Rae, John, Conscience and Politics: The British Government and the Conscientious Objector to Military Service, 1916–1919 (London, 1970), p. 226Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Mrs.Hobhouse, Henry, I Appeal unto Caesar (London, 1917), pp. 44–70Google Scholar; Vellacott, Jo, Bertrand Russell and the Pacifists in the First World War (Brighton, 1980), pp. 210–12Google Scholar.

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⁴⁹ See Hobhouse, Stephen, Forty Years and an Epilogue: An Autobiography (London, 1951), p. 176Google Scholar; Rose, Gordon, The Struggle for Penal Reform (London, 1961), pp. 108–9Google Scholar; PRO, Home Office (HO) 45/11543/357055/33.

⁵⁰ PRO, HO 45/11543/357055/33.

⁵¹ Hobhouse and Brockway, p. 482; Ruggles-Brise, E., English Prison System (London, 1921)Google Scholar.

⁵² Brockway, , Inside the Left, p. 129Google Scholar; personal interview with Fenner Brockway, June 1980.

⁵³ Hobhouse and Brockway, pp. 561–62.

⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 356.

⁵⁵ Ibid., p. 561. Another continuing feature of prison administration was its dreary uniformity, encapsulated by Ruggles-Brise's 1911 comment, quoted in Hobhouse and Brockway, p. 97: “It is now 4-30 in the afternoon and I know that just now, at every Local and Convict Prison in England, the same things in general are being done, and that in general they are being done in the same way.”

⁵⁶ It should be added, however, that there had doubtless been a change in expectations since the Gladstone Report, sufficient to sharpen the postwar critique.

⁵⁷ Jones, Enid Huws, Margery Fry: The Essential Amateur (London, 1966), p. 113Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ For example, Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 5th ser., vol. 156 (July 11, 1922)Google Scholar, col. 1040. See also PRO, HO 45/11543/357055/54 and 55.

⁵⁹ Bailey, Hobhouse, Forty Years and an Epilogue (n. 49 above), pp. 178–79Google Scholar. For Paterson, see Victor, , Delinquency and Citizenship: Reclaiming the Young Offender, 1914–1948 (Oxford, 1987), pp. 195–96Google Scholar.

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⁶⁵ Brockway, A. F. in Socialist Review (September, October, and December 1926)Google Scholar.

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⁶⁸ For discussion of the definition of habitual criminality adopted by the 1908 act—one that failed to distinguish clearly between the habitual professional and the habitual petty nuisance—see Wiener (n. 23 above), p. 347; Radzinowicz and Hood (n. 2 above), pp. 266–67.

⁶⁹ Petrow, S., Policing Morals: The Metropolitan Police and the Home Office, 1870–1914 (Oxford, 1994), p. 111CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ See pp. 320–22 below for Churchill's critical approach to preventive detention.

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⁷⁹ Hunt et al., p. 246; Radzinowicz and Hood (n. 2 above), pp. 311–14.

⁸⁰ Garland, , Punishment and Welfare (n. 18 above), pp. 227–28Google Scholar.

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⁸² I am not arguing that ideological forms were the only influence on the penal system; I am arguing that positivism was only one, and not the most important, framework of social and political thought in the Edwardian debate on prisons.

⁸³ For the early nineteenth-century, humanitarian concern for the protection from abuse of prisoners and lunatics, see Laqueur, T. W., “Bodies, Details, and the Humanitarian Narrative,” in The New Cultural History, ed. Hunt, Lynn (Berkeley, 1989), p. 179Google Scholar; Scull, Andrew, The Most Solitary of Afflictions: Madness and Society in Britain, 1700–1900 (New Haven, Conn., 1993), p. 380Google Scholar. See also Wiener, Martin, ed., “Special Issue: Humanitarianism or Control? A Symposium on Aspects of Nineteenth Century Social Reform in Britain and America,” Rice University Studies, vol. 67 (Winter 1981)Google Scholar. And see Haskell, T. L., “Capitalism and the Origins of the Humanitarian Sensibility, Parts 1 & 2,” American Historical Review 90 (April and June 1985): 339–61, 547–66Google Scholar.

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⁹⁴ Garland, Garland, Punishment and Welfare (n. 18 above), pp. 108–9, 123Google Scholar. In fairness, Garland states that the approach of the penal reform groups to the “criminological programme” was “mediated by Christian evangelicalism, which allowed a large degree of policy support, but prohibited any total endorsement of the programme as a whole” (ibid., p. 109). In more recent work, moreover, Garland acknowledges the need to include sensibilities in the examination of penal policy and speculates on the contribution of humanitarian values to change in penal laws and institutions; see David, , Punishment and Modern Society (n. 21 above), p. 198Google Scholar, “Sociological Perspectives on Punishment,” in Tonry, , ed. (n. 77 above), p. 142Google Scholar, and “Criminological Knowledge and Its Relation to Power: Foucault's Genealogy and Criminology Today,” British Journal of Criminology 32 (Autumn 1992): 411–12Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁰ Ibid., par. 206. See Acton, H. B., The Philosophy of Punishment (London, 1969), p. 11Google Scholar; Harris, Paul, “Moral Progress and Politics: The Theory of T. H. Green,” Polity 21 (Spring 1989): 542Google Scholar. See also Jones, Henry, The Working Faith of the Social Reformer (London, 1910), p. 254Google Scholar.

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¹⁰³ Bosanquet, B., Some Suggestions in Ethics (London, 1918), pp. 200–202Google Scholar, emphasis in original.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid., p. 207.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid., p. 183.

¹⁰⁶ See Radzinowicz and Hood (n. 2 above), pp. 18–19.

¹⁰⁷ See Watson, S., “Malingerers, the ‘Weakminded’ Criminal and the ‘Moral Imbecile’: How the English Prison Medical Officer Became an Expert in Mental Deficiency, 1880–1930,” in Legal Medicine in History, ed. Clark, M. and Crawford, C. (Cambridge, 1994): 229Google Scholar; Hobhouse and Brockway (n. 47 above), pp. 257–85. See also Wiener (n. 23 above), p. 234; and Garland, , “British Criminology before 1935” (n. 89 above), p. 5Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Fox (n. 62 above), pp. 62–63.

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¹¹⁰ See Report of the Commissioners of Prisons … for 1912–1913, Cd. 7092, PP, 1914, vol. 45, pp. 22–23Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ E. Ruggles-Brise memo, April 18, 1910, PRO, HO 45/13658/185668/6.

¹¹² Goring, Charles, The English Convict: A Statistical Study, abridged ed. (London, 1919)Google Scholar, preface by E. Ruggles-Brise, p. vi. See Beirne, Ruggles-Brise, English Prison System (n. 51 above), pp. 198–212Google Scholar. See also Radzinowicz and Hood, pp. 21–26; Wiener, p. 357; Piers, , Inventing Criminology: Essays on the Rise of Homo Criminalis (New York, 1993), p. 213Google Scholar. Hobhouse and Brockway's English Prisons To-Day confirmed the view that the criminal type was manufactured by the prison system.

¹¹³ Quoted in Thomas, D. A., Constraints on Judgment: The Search for Structured Discretion in Sentencing, 1860–1910 (Cambridge, 1979), p. 27Google Scholar. See Radzinowicz and Hood, p. 268, n. 17; E. Ruggles-Brise memo, July 13, 1910, PRO, HO 144/18869/196919/3.

¹¹⁴ Ruggles-Brise, , Prison Reform, p. 195Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Edward Marsh to W. Churchill, August 23, 1910, in Churchill, Randolph, Winston S. Churchill: Companion Volume (Boston, 1969), 2, pt. 2:1196Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ E. Ruggles-Brise memo, April 9. 1910, PRO, HO 144/1085/193548/1.

¹¹⁷ Radzinowicz and Hood (n. 2 above), pp. 269–71.

¹¹⁸ Ruggles-Brise, , English Prison System, p. 3Google Scholar. Ruggles-Brise was liverishly unsympathetic, therefore, to the Penal Reform League's 1918 complaints about degrading prison garb, “spy hole” practice, and the exclusion of outside news; see PRO, HO 45/11543/357055/9.

¹¹⁹ See Forsythe, , Penal Discipline, Reformatory Projects and the English Prison Commission, 1895–1939 (n. 26 above), p. 239Google Scholar; Garland, , “British Criminology before 1935” (n. 89 above), p. 5Google Scholar. Idealism's influence might also explain, at least in part, the continued resort to voluntary agencies as an adjunct to the penal system, notably for discharged prisoners, probation, and Borstal aftercare. This feature of the penal system was of particular concern to Ruggles-Brise.

¹²⁰ For Idealism's influence on ethical socialism, see Greenleaf, W. H., The British Political Tradition (New York, 1983), 2:139Google Scholar; and Himmelfarb (n. 96 above), p. 261. See also Dennis, N. and Halsey, A. H., English Ethical Socialism (Oxford, 1988), pp. 1–12Google Scholar.

¹²¹ See Allen, Clifford in Bell, Julian, ed., We Did Not Fight (London, 1935), p. 28Google Scholar; Kennedy, T. C., The Hound of Conscience: A History of the No-Conscription Fellowship, 1914–1919 (Fayetteville, Ark., 1981), p. 48Google Scholar; Vellacott (n. 47 above), p. 29. See also Report of the Annual Conference of the I.L.P. (London, 1916), pp. 72–74Google Scholar. The treasurer of the No-Conscription Fellowship was Edward Grubb, a Quaker and former secretary of the Howard Association for Penal Reform.

¹²² Tolstoy, Leo, What I Believe (Geneva, 1888)Google Scholar. S. Hobhouse's quote is in Bell, ed., p. 167. Hobhouse was from a wealthy Quaker family, but he renounced his inheritance of the family estate. For other details, see Rose, Hobhouse, Forty Years and an Epilogue (n. 49 above), pp. 174–77Google Scholar; A., G., “Some Influences on English Penal Reform, 1895-1921,” Sociological Review 3 (July 1955); 34–37Google Scholar; Ceadel, Martin, Pacifism in Britain, 1914–1945 (Oxford, 1980), p. 43Google Scholar.

¹²³ S. Hobhouse in Bell, ed., p. 166.

¹²⁴ Quoted in Gilbert (n. 44 above), p. 5. See Winter, J. M., Socialism and the Challenge of War (London, 1974), p. 129Google Scholar. Bertrand Russell, chairman of the No-Conscription Fellowship during the final years of the war, also turned to guild socialism; see Gwyn, W. B., “The Labour Party and the Threat of Bureaucracy,” Political Studies 19 (December 1971): 385Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ See Roberts, H. E., “Years of Struggle: The Life and Work of Robin Page Arnot,” Labour History Review 59 (Autumn 1994): 58–63Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ MacKenzie, N. and MacKenzie, J., The First Fabians (London, 1977), p. 62Google Scholar. See also Olivier, Margaret, ed., Sydney Olivier: Letters and Selected Writings (London, 1948)Google Scholar, chap. 3. The other committee members were penal reformers; see p. 308 above.

¹²⁷ Rhodes House Library, Arthur Creech Jones Papers, MS British Empire S 332, box 1, file 2, fol. 142: letter from Hounslow barracks, January 9, 1917.

¹²⁸ Minutes of Evidence to the Departmental Committee on Prisons, C. 7702-1, PP, 1895, vol. 56, question 11482, p. 4Google Scholar59. See Pellew, J., “Law and Order: Expertise and the Victorian Home Office,” in Government and Expertise: Specialists, Administrators and Professionals, 1860–1919, ed. MacLeod, R. (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 68–69Google Scholar. For a subtle and convincing assessment of Lushington's evidence to the Gladstone Committee, one that reveals that the permanent undersecretary defended the existing “punitive and deterrent” prison system yet faulted “the general spirit of administration,” for which Du Cane was responsible, see McConville, , English Local Prisons (n. 5 above), pp. 625–32Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Report from the Departmental Committee on Prisons (n. 7 above), p. 12.

¹³⁰ Bailey, Victor, “Churchill as Home Secretary: Prison Reform,” History Today 35 (March 1985): 11Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Neale, K., “Her Majesty's Commissioners, 1878–1978” (Home Office, London, 1978, private circulation), pp. 19–20Google Scholar; Sutherland, E. H., “The Decreasing Prison Population of England.” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 24 (1933): 880–900Google Scholar. The figures specifically for women tell the same story. At the turn of the century, 50,000 women were annually committed to prison, largely for prostitution and drunkenness. In 1918, commitments were 14,922, a drop of 72 percent. The daily average in local prisons fell from about 3,000 to 1,500 prisoners. See E. Ruggles-Brise memo, October 22, 1918, PRO, HO 45/11543/357055/9.

¹³² For the figures cited, see Webb, Sidney and Webb, Beatrice, English Prisons under Local Government (1922; reprint, London, 1963), p. 248Google Scholar; Rutherford, Ruggles-Brise, English Prison System (n. 51 above), pp. 224–25Google Scholar; A., , Prisons and the Process of Justice: The Reductionist Challenge (London, 1984), pp. 123, 130Google Scholar, and “Lessons from a Reductionist Era,” in Robert, and Emsley, , eds. (n. 71 above), pp. 59–60Google Scholar. The rate of indictable crime recorded by the police rose by less than 10 percent between 1900 and 1921; see McClintock, F. H. and Avison, N. H., Crime in England and Wales (London, 1968), pp. 18–24Google Scholar.

¹³³ Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 5th ser., vol. 19 (July 20, 1910)Google Scholar, col. 1344.

¹³⁴ Blunt, W. S., My Diaries (New York, 1922), pt. 2, p. 335Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ W. Churchill minute, August 13, 1910, PRO, HO 144/18869/196919/1.

¹³⁶ Cabinet paper, “Abatement of Imprisonment,” in R. Churchill (n. 115 above), 2, pt. 2:1198–1203; PRO, HO 45/10613/194534. For the full history of imprisonment for debt, see Rubin, G. R., “Law, Poverty and Imprisonment for Debt, 1869–1914,” in Law, Economy and Society, 1750–1914: Essays in the History of English Law, ed. Rubin, G. R. and Sugarman, D. (Abingdon, 1984), pp. 241–99Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ PRO, HO 144/18869/196919/1.

¹³⁸ See also Webb and Webb, p. 248. And see Badinter, Robert, La prison républicaine (1871–1914) (Paris, 1992)Google Scholar: the penal reforms introduced in France (suspended sentence, conditional release, educational solutions for juveniles) all had as their aim the avoidance of the prison, not its reformation.

¹³⁹ See Radzinowicz and Hood (n. 2 above), pp. 770, 773; Addison (n. 38 above), pp. 112–17; Thomas (n. 113 above), pp. 40, 46–47.

¹⁴⁰ PRO, HO 45/10589/184160/23.

¹⁴¹ Ibid., 184160/25a. See also Thomas, pp. 41–45; Addison, pp. 118–19.

¹⁴² PRO, HO 144/18869/196919/2.

¹⁴³ See PRO, HO 144/A60866/4; HO 45/10520/138276/57; Radzinowicz and Hood, pp. 372–75; Addison, pp. 123–26; Searle (n. 74 above), pp. 107–8. According to his friend, William Scawen Blunt, Churchill was “a strong eugenist”; see Blunt, p. 399 (entry for October 20, 1912). When the Cabinet discussed the issue of “the unfit” in December 1911, Churchill presented Dr. A. F. Tredgold's article, “The Feeble-Minded—a Social Danger,” which warned of the peril of “national degeneracy.” See Morgan, Ted, Churchill: Young Man in a Hurry, 1874–1915 (New York, 1982), p. 289Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁴ Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 5th ser., vol. 19 (July 20, 1910)Google Scholar, col. 1354.

¹⁴⁵ PRO, HO 45/1085/193548/1.

¹⁴⁶ Wilde, , The Soul of Man (n. 10 above), p. 193Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ Bailey, Delinquency and Citizenship (n. 59 above).

¹⁴⁸ Webb and Webb (n. 132 above), pp. 247–48.