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The Yunnan Myth
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 March 2011
Extract
The diplomats, business men and publicists who were actively engaged in the penetration and exploitation of China during the latter part of the nineteenth century most frequently offered economic explanations for their actions. References to the commercial opportunities to be found in China appear with almost wearisome repetition in diplomatic correspondence, in treaties and conventions and in the press. Armed with a more complete knowledge of the situation, recent commentators upon European imperialism in China have been prone to discount this interest, and it is true that the China trade did receive notice that was out of proportion to its importance. However, the wisdom of hindsight may sometimes be misleading and unless we know the general opinion of the China market as it was expressed in the eighteen-eighties and eighteen-nineties the strong interest displayed both by governments and individuals in tapping that market is largely incomprehensible to us.
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References
1 E.g., at the time when British publicists and others were emphasizing that Britain supplied 80% of the imports into China, took 50% of the exports from China, and carried 69% of the total tonnage shipped from Chinese ports, China ranked 17th on the list of British customers. British exports to China amounted to less than 16% of her exports to the United States, and her total trade with China was less than 10% of the trade with her colonies. Ireland, A., Chirm and the Powers (Boston, 1902)Google Scholar, appendix; Fraser, J. B., “Our trade with western China,” Contemporary review (London, 1866), 73Google Scholar (1898) 236.
2 Vide Christian, J. L., “Trans-Burma trade routes to China,” Pacific affairs, 13 (June, 1940). 173–191CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hanotaux, G., et Martineau, A. (eds.), Histoire des colonies françaises et de l'expansion de la France dans le monde (six vols., Paris, 1929–1932) vol. 5, 380Google Scholarsqq.; Roberts, S. H., History of French colonial policy (two vols., London, 1929) vol. 2, 422Google Scholarsqq.
3 The full story of this trip is to be found in Colquhoun, A. R., Across Chrŷse (two vols., New York, 1883).Google Scholar Shorter accounts appeared in several geographical journals.
4 Colquhoun, A. R., “Exploration through the south China borderlands, from the mouth of the Si-kiang to the banks of the Irawadi,” Proceedings of the royal geographical society (New monthly series, London, 1879–), 4 (1882), 713–30Google Scholar, esp. 719–21. Colquhoun estimated the population of Yunnan at four million.
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7 Ibid., pp. 194 sqq.
8 Ibid., p. 238. But he admitted (p. 196) that “except in the cities, the mass of the people is made up of a number of aboriginal tribes …” which he described as being poorer than the Chinese. Also (p. 199), he remarked that Chinese officials were very loath to allow mining, and admitted (p. 200) that he had examined no mines and had made only casual inquiries about them from caravans which he had met. Of such wishful thinking was the Yunnan Myth built.
9 Anon., “Trade routes to China and the French occupation of Tonkin,” Quarterly review (London, 1809– ), 156 (1883), 492–530. The reports were: (1) Baber, E. C., Travels and researches in western China (London, 1882)Google Scholar; (2) von Richthofen, F. F., Recent attempts to find a direct trade-route to southwestern China (London, 1874)Google Scholar; and (3) Colquhoun's Across Chryse.
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12 Ibid., p. 5.
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22 Colquhoun quoted Hosie's statement which has been referred to above. It would appear that Colquhoun was unaware of the true import of Hosie's opinion.
23 Colquhoun, , loc. cit., p. 42Google Scholar; v. also his China in transformation (New York and London, 1898), p. 118.
24 de la Grandière and de Lagree were instrumental in establishing the French protectorate over Cambodia. The latter, together with Gamier, carried out an exploration of the Mékong River, which by demonstrating its deficiencies turned their minds to the Red River. Dupuis was an arms merchant who made the first commercial ascent of the Red River. Together, their reports and promotional efforts—Gamier captured the citadel at Hué—had much to do with the taking of Tonkin by the French.
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29 Revue Française de l'étranger et des colonies et exploration gazette géographie (Paris, 1885– ). 9 (1889), 684–8 5. Up to 1897, this was the chief organ of the French colonial party.
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32 A boundary convention and a commercial convention negotiated by M. Auguste Gerard. The latter paved the way for the railway concessions later exacted by France.
33 The Foreign Office sent M. Rocher, its most experienced consul in China and author of the work referred to above, to accompany the Mission.
34 Brenier, H., “Rapport général de la mission Lyonnaise d'exploration en Chine,” Questions diplomatiques et coloniales. Revue de politique extérieure, (Paris, 1897–), 2Google Scholar (1898), 585–613. This was the organ of the French Colonial party after 1897. Vide also Yu-Tong, Kia, Essai d'un aperçu historique des relations politiques (industrielles, commerciales, religieuses) de la France et de la Chine depuis le XVIIe siècle jusqu'à nos jours (Paris, 1920)Google Scholar; and Revue Française, 21, 460–67. The latter is a résumé of the correspondence sent by the Mission to the Journal des débats. I have drawn this summary largely from the last-mentioned source.
35 Proceedings of the royal geographical society, 4 (1882), 713–30.
36 China #1, 1886 (C. 4655), p. 40, #61; pp. 41–48, #63.
37 China #1, 1888 (C. 5371), pp. 66. sqq.
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40 Colquhoun, A. R., “Railway connection of India and China,” AQR, 3rd series, 6 (1898), 35–61.Google Scholar
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45 Hosie, , loc. cit., p. 381. Most of the reports on the China market distinctly imply that the Chinese were so “struggling.”Google Scholar
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53 Kia, , op. cit., pp. 126–31.Google Scholar
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56 Fraser, J. B., “Our trade with western China,” Contemporary review, 73 (1898), 235–40, p. 239.Google Scholar
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