Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-dh8gc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-04T19:06:03.213Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Yomihon: The Appearance of the Historical Novel in Late Eighteenth Century and Early Nineteenth Century Japan

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Get access

Extract

When students of Japanese literary history view the latter part of the Tokugawa period, two developments stand out. First, Edo replaced Kyoto and Osaka as the center of cultural activity. Second, a baffling variety of forms of prose fiction arose. The former stemmed largely from the policies of Yoshimune, the eighth Tokugawa shogun. Although his suppression of “pernicious literature” had a baneful effect on publishing in Kyoto and Osaka, it indirectly improved the competitive position of Edo booksellers. During Yoshimune's reign, also, the city of Edo underwent enormous population growth. Many hatamoto and samurai were forced to resettle in Edo, where they lived on rice stipends rather than on the direct produce of their land. Bureaucracy expanded. Samurai turned from the rigors of rural life to polite urban pursuits. Need for additional services led to a growth in the number of merchants. Likewise, Yoshimune's personal interest in mathematics, science, and even Western learning resulted in the import of books and ideas from the outside world, particularly China. Proscriptions against foreign learning became less rigid.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1966

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Hisao, Noda, Kinsei bungaku no haikei [Backgrounds of Modern Literature] (Tokyo, 1964), pp. 228232.Google Scholar

2 “A narrative which utilizes history to present an imaginative reconstruction of events, using either fictional or historical personages or both.…” Beckson, Karl and Ganz, Arthur, A Reader's Guide to Literary Terms: A Dictionary (New York, 1960), p. 75.Google Scholar

3 His achievements are treated more fully below. See also my forthcoming book, Takizawa Bakin, to appear this year in the Twayne World Authors Series.

4 In Kinko bungei onchi sōsho [Heritage of Modern Literary Arts: A Collectanea], V (Tokyo, 1892), 183.Google Scholar

5 Yukihiko, Nakamura, Kinsei shōsetsu-shi no kenkyū [Studies in the History of the Modern Novel] (Tokyo, 1961), pp. 245260.Google Scholar

6 Fumoto, Yamazaki, Nihon shōsetsu nempyō tsuki sōmokuroku [Chronological Table of Japanese Fiction with Complete Index], Kindai Nihon bungaku taikei, XXV (Tokyo, 1929), 86124.Google Scholar

7 Jo, wo ugachi shu wo tsukusazareba, miru ni tarazu, “Heiben” [“Horsewhippings”], Kyokutei ikō [Kyokutei's Posthumous Manuscripts] (Tokyo, 1911), p. 296.Google Scholar

8 Literary tales in 4 ch., compiled by Ch'u Yü (1341–1427), preface dated 1378. Consists largely of tales of the supernatural.

9 See Nakamura, , Kinsei satya no kenkyū [Studies on Modern Authors] (Tokyo, 1961), pp. 131144.Google Scholar See also Tōru, Sagara, “Seisaku no ronri: naze Ogyū Sorai wo mi-naosu ka” [“Logic of Work: Why Re-evaluate Ogyū Sorai?”], Nippon (June, 1965), pp. 156172Google Scholar, N.B. p. 164.

10 Yo motoyori Suik, oden wo yomu ni, ii wo wasurete itou koto naku, tomoshibi wo torile umu tokinashi, Shinhen suiko gaden [Water Margin: Newly Edited and Illustrated[, shohen, I (Edo, 1807), 9a.

11 Kuchi ni yomu to iedomo hara ni ajiwau koto naku, mimi ni kikite kaerite kanzurtu koto ari, ibid.

12 (Peking, 1957), pp. 24–37; tr. Bishop, John Lyman, The Colloquial Short Story in China: A Study of the San-Yen Collections (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 104122.Google Scholar

13 See Webb, Herschel, Research in Japanese Sources: A Guide (New York, 1965), p. 80.Google Scholar

14 Ibid., pp. 52, 81.

15 Kikuya, Nagasawa, Kambungaku gairon (Tokyo, 1959), p. 118.Google Scholar

16 “Honchō suikoden wo yomu narabi ni hihyō” [“Criticism upon Reading the Japanese Water Margin”], Takebe Ayatari-cho honchō suikoden kohen yura monogalari [Takebe Ayatari's Japanese Water Margin: Part Two and The Tale of Yura], ed. bunko, Seikadō (Tokyo, 1959), p. 277.Google Scholar

17 Mamoru, Takada, Ueda Akinari nempu kōsetsu [Ueda Akinari: A Chronological Study] (Tokyo, 1964), p. 55Google Scholar, and Toshio, Maruyama, “Kaidai,” Takebe Ayatari-cho honchō suikoden, pp. 354355.Google Scholar

18 Mamoru, Takada, Akinari nempu, p. 320.Google Scholar

19 Written 1768; pub. 1776.

20 Isoji, Asō, Edo shōsetsu gairon [Introduction to the Edo Novel] (Tokyo, 1956), pp. 170Google Scholar, 180.

21 Veda Akinari-shū, ed. Nakamura, , Nihon koten bungaku taikei, LVI (Tokyo, 1959), 5970.Google Scholar

22 Ching-shih t'ung-yen, pp. 420–448.

23 Present-day Kiangsu, ibid., p. 434.

24 Tsune ni miyabitaru koto wo nomi konomite, Akinari-shū, p. 98.

25 Minoru, Mizuno, “Yomihon,” Nihon bungakti-shi: kinsei [History of Japanese Literature: Modern], ed. Hisamatsu Sen'ichi (Tokyo, 1964), p. 634.Google Scholar

26 Nakamura, , Shōsetsu-shi no kenkyū, p. 282.Google Scholar

27 Nakamura, , Sakfra kenkyū, PP. 187200.Google Scholar

28 (Edo, 1790), kan 1,2. Masaru, Aoki, Shina kinsei gikyoku shi [History of Modern Chinese Drama] (Tokyo, 1930), p. 521Google Scholar, points out that Senri ryūtō was Dōmyaku's creation. In Dōmyaku's day translations were often valued more highly than original works.

29 (Edo, 1791), pp. 1a–4b.

30 Kabuki play by Nakawa Kamesuke, first performed at Edo, Nakamura-za, in 1778. Although the action takes place in the time of Yoshimitsu, third Ashikaga shogun, the play alludes to the licentiousness and dissipation of Date Tsunamune and the succession dispute of 1658 known as Date Sōdō.

31 Ed. Akihiko, Hinokiya, Kinsei shōsetsu: kenkyū to shiryō, Kokubungaku ronsō, ed. Kenkyū-kai, Keiō Gijuku Daigaku Kokubun, VI (Tokyo, 1963), 233261.Google Scholar

32 Bakin, , Sakusha burui, p. 229.Google Scholar

33 Akinari-shū, p. 35.

34 Kano taihitsu to rōhitsu ara wa, nao byakko to yako aru ga gotoshi. Katsura mo shiba mo hitokarage ni, hito mite nabele kitsune to yobedomo, byakko wa yako no no ni asobazu, kudoku mukudoku kotonareba nari. Saru wo kotoji ni nikawaseru songakkyū wa tama to ishi to wo erami mo esezu. … Habenden, IX (Tokyo, 1941), 279.Google Scholar

35 “Heiben,” Kyokutei ikō, p. 294.

36 Letter to Bokushi, Suzuki, April 5, 1818, Kyokutei ikō, p. 359.Google Scholar

37 In the currency of the time, 20 mon for 10 pages, 30 for 15. Bakin, , Kujirazashi Shinagawa haori [Measuring a Whale with a Shinagawa Cape] (Edo, 1799), p. 1a.Google Scholar The mon, pierced copper cash, or common currency of the people, was worth just under $.01, calculated at the rate of 4,000 mon to 1 gold ryō. Around 1800, 1 ryō equaled about 1 koku (5 bushels) of rice, or about $34.00, at current U. S. retail prices. Exchange rates in Tokugawa Japan fluctuated too much to permit precise calculations. One can only approximate exchange values.

38 1/3 to 1/4 ryō, or 15 to 20 silver momme, since 60 momme of silver equaled 1 gold ryō. Copper mon, silver momme, and gold ryō were used interchangably.

39 Keisuke, Hamada, “Bakin ni okeru shoshi, sakusha, dokusha no mondai” [“Bakin and the Matter of Readers, Writers, and Publishers”], Kokugo kokubun (April, 1953), pp. 2731.Google Scholar

40 Nihon zankoku monogatari [Accounts of Cruelty in Japan], ed. Heibonsha, (Tokyo, 1960), III, 42.Google Scholar

41 Ishiuchi Chōsō, quoted in Bakin, , Kataki-uchi nomi-tori manako [Mr. Fleacatcher Managorō V] (Edo, 1801), p. 8b.Google Scholar See my “The Vendetta of Mr. Fleacatcher Managorō, The Fifth,” MN, XX, Nos. 1–2 (1965), 130.

42 According to a note in the Japanese ed. of Hsieh Chao-che (fl. 1592), Wu tsa tsu [Five Grass Blades], a Chinese miscellanea, printed in Japanese ed. of 1661 and 1795.

43 Akinari-shū, p. 35.

44 Tenri Central Library Photo Series, No. 21: Kyokutei Bakin, ed. The Tenri Central Library (Tenri, 1963), p. 1.Google Scholar