¹ For a summary of the development of Vietnamese historiography, see Honey, P. J., “Modern Vietnamese Historiography,” in Hall, D. G. E., ed., Historians of South-East Asia (London, 1961) pp. 94–104.Google Scholar

A detailed account of the range and location of surviving nineteenth century Vietnamese historical records is provided by Smith, R. B., “Sino-Vietnamese sources for the Nguyen period: an introduction,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies XXX, 3 (1967) 600–621.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² The most useful short account of French historiography in relation to colonial Vietnam is proporation vided by Chesneaux, J., “French Historiography and the Evolution of Colonial Viet Nam,” in D. G. E. Hall, ed., Historians of South-East Asia, pp. 234–244Google Scholar. Chesneaux draws attention to the way in which much French writing on Vietnam has not only been excessively concerned with Frenchmen and French policies, but also has neglected major social and economic issues in modern Vietnamese history.

³ The most detailed published account of Truong Vinh Ky's life is by Bouchot, J., Pétrus J.-B. Truong-Vinh-Ky 1837–1898 (Saigon, 1927)Google Scholar. A short Vietnamese biography is provided by Thu, Khong Xuan, Truong Vinh Ky 1837–1898 (Saigon, 1958)Google Scholar. The present writer has consulted Truong Vinh Ky's personal dossier, S.L., 172, Dossier individuel de M. Pétrus Truong-Vinh-Ky, Professeur de langues orientates, 1868–1895, in the Archives of the Republic of Vietnam, Saigon.

⁴ The most detailed published collection of documentary material on Phan Thanh Gian's life is contained in Daudin, P., “Biographie de Phan-Thanh-Gian, 2e ambassadeur en France en 1863 (1796–1867),” Bulletin de la Société des Etudes Indochinoises n.s. XVI, a (1941) 11–128Google Scholar. A biography in Vietnamese is Tho, Nam Xuan, Phan Thanh Gian 1796–1867 (Saigon, 1957).Google Scholar

⁵ Maybon, C., Histoire moderne du pays d'Annam (1592–1820) (Paris, 1919)Google Scholar, chapters V and VI. The author, pages 183 and 184, takes account of the Tay-son brothers' energy and audacity, but makes clear his lack of admiration for their origins. It is a reflection of Maybon's support for French colonial aims that he dedicated his book to Albert Sarraut, a former Governor General of Indochina and the Minister of the Colonies at the time of publication.

⁶ Stigmatization of the Tay-son brothers as rebels was necessary to the official French view which held that the French conquest of Cochinchina in the years between 1858 and 1867 was, however loosely, connected with the activity of Pigneau de Béhaine, the French missionary adviser to the future Emperor Gia Long. The justification of French “rights” in Vietnam involved a considerable reliance on the long, if sometimes uncertain, record of French religious, commercial and political contacts with achievethe country. The brief opening chapter of Bouinais, A. and Paulus, A., L'Indo-Chine contemporaine: Cochinchine, Cambodge, Tonkin, Annam 2 vols. (Paris, 1885) Tome I, pp. 1–7Google Scholar, is an example of this approach.

⁷ During Quang Trung's reign (1788–1792) there was a major review of land registers and an active period of composition in nom, the demotic rendering of the Vietnamese language making use of Chinese characters. For approving comments on the Quang Trung Emperor which preceded more recent reassessments, see, Kim, Tran Trong, Viet-Nam Su Luoc (A Short History of Vietnam) (Saigon, 1964) p. 380Google Scholar. This book was first published in 1928 and has remained extremely popular ever since.

⁸ Khoi, Le Thanh, Le Viet-Nam: Histoire et civilisation (Paris, 1955) p. 311Google Scholar. It is difficult not to conclude that Le Thanh Khoi's view of the peasants' role in support of the Tay-son revolt is to some extent a reflection of his own materialist view of history and his sympathy for the achievethe ments of the Viet-Minh in the period after 1946.

⁹ The following comment is contained in Phan-Khoang, , Viet-Nam Phap Thuoc Su (History of Vietnam under French Colonialism) (Saigon, 1961) p. 129Google Scholar: “The weapons of war were the sword, spear, great scimitar, artillery and guns. This artillery was all muzzle loading. Of ten shots fired not even one might hit the target. When the time came to move the cannon forward they were extremely heavy. When the cannon would not work, one had to offer prayers and to pour ginseng as an offering, The troops' guns were flintlock in type and could fire a distance of 250 or 300 meters at most…”

¹⁰ As Dr. Truong Buu Lam has pointed out in his Patterns of Vietnamese Response to Foreign Intervention: 1858–1900 Monograph Scries No. 11, Southeast Asia Studies, Yale University (New Haven, 1967) p. 18Google Scholar and footnote 77, Nguyen Truong To and his suggested reform, remain to be studied in detail. And as Dr. Lam further notes, Nguyen Truong To, despite his desire for reform, based himself firmly upon a traditionalist outlook on the world.

For an approving comment of Nguyen Truong To, contrasting his proposed reforms with the Emperor Tu Duc's hesitancy, see Tung, Bui Quang, Nuoc Viet-Nam tren con duong suy vong (Vietnam Comon the road to decadence) (Saigon, 1958) p. 11Google Scholar. Consulted as an off-print. This article originally appeared in Nguyet-San Van-Hoa A-Chau (Monthly Review of Asian Culture), 3 (06 1958).Google Scholar

¹¹ Tung, Bui Quang, Nuoc Viet-Nam tren con duong suy vongGoogle Scholar

¹² Ibid., p. 20.

¹³ Phan-Khoang, , Viet-Nam Phap Thuoc Su, p. 117.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The admiration accorded the Trung sisters in Vietnamese history is a striking illustration of this point. See Tung, Bui Quang, “Le soulèvement des soeurs Trung à travers les textes et le folklore viêtnamien,” Bulletin de la Société des Etudes Indochinoises, n.s. XXXVI, 1 (1961) pp. 69–85.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See, for example, Minh, Ho Chi, Selected Works 4 vols. (Hanoi, 1960–1962), II, p. 152.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tung, Bui Quang, Nuoc Viet-Nam tren con duong suy vong, pp. 16–17Google Scholar. Anon., “Ky niem mot tram nam ngay mat cua Truong Dinh,” (Commemorating the Centennial of Truong Dinh's death) Nghien Cuu Lich Su (NCLS) (Historical Research) 65 (07 1964), 6.Google Scholar

The argument that nineteenth century resistance to the French was a reflection of Vietnamese nationalism is presented vigorously by Dr. Truong Buu Lam in his able introduction to the collection of Vietnamese documents published in his monograph, Patterns of Vietnamese Response to Foreign Intervention: 1858–1900. In the present writer's view the term “nationalism,” when applied to resistance to the French, even when qualified with the term “traditional,” risks being misleading. That some form of national identification was present among Vietnamese in the nineteenth century is beyond debate. Moreover, the study made by Coulet, Georges, Les sociétés secrètes en terre d'Annam (Saigon, 1926)Google Scholar, passim, draws attention to the pan-Vietnamese nature of anti-French activity in the nineteenth century on the part of Vietnamese secret societies. Nevertheless, a strong case can be argued for the proposition that nationalism in the twentieth century involved very different concepts from the earlier national identification, even if modern nationalism grew directly out of the earlier identification.

¹⁷ Mai-Hanh, , “Truong Dinh,” NCLS 66 (08 1964) 59.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid., 59. “He was handsome in appearance, understood the military manual and was a good shot.”

¹⁹ Les premières années de la Cochinchine fran çaise 2 vols. (Paris, 1874).Google Scholar

²⁰ Ibid., Tome I, p. 326. Truong Dinh has also received sympathetic treatment from historians writing in South Vietnam. See, for example, Bach, Thai, Bon vi anh hung khang chinh mien Nam (Four heroes of the resistance movements in southern Vietnam) (Saigon, 1957)Google Scholar; Tan, Nguyen Phut, A Modern History of Viet-Nam (1802–1954) (Saigon, 1966) pp. 389–401.Google Scholar

²¹ Generalizations about the comparative merits of historical activity in North and South Vietnam will risk particular rebuttals. A case could be made, it appears, to show that a more active program of research has been carried out in Hanoi than in Saigon.

²² Close association with the former French colonial administration has not been a matter for condemnation in South Vietnam where so many senior officials passed from service under the French Exto service in the new state. The descendants of Vietnamese families which grew rich during the colonial period, many of them still holding French citizenship, remained important in Saigon intellectual circles for some years after 1954.

²³ This was the term used by the French administration and its officials to describe such men transas Truong Vinh Ky who worked for the colonial power. The sense of opprobrium which has come to be associated with the word collaborateur since the Second World War was completely lacking in its nineteenth century usage in Vietnam.

²⁴ The Tan Viet publishing house in Saigon, for instance, has published a series of biographies of notable Vietnamese under the general title “Exemplars.” Biographies of Truong Vinh Ky and Phanh Thanh Gian are in this series.

²⁵ Describing the aims which he pursued through his association with the French administration, Truong Vinh Ky stated in 1882 that, “I have never deviated from the principal and direct goal which I proposed to myself … This goal is the tranformation and the assimilation of the Annamite people.” Cochinchine Française, Procès-Verbaux du Conscil Colonial (Ordinary session, 1882), 11 15, 1882, pp. 14–15.Google Scholar

²⁶ The details of Truong Vinh Ky's career may be found in the works by Bouchot and Khong Xuan Thu which have already been cited. Khong Xuan Thu, pp. ix and x, provides a brief chronology.

²⁷ Gia-Dinh Bao (The Journal of Gia-Dinh) was first published in Saigon on April 15, 1865. Initially the newspaper was published monthly. It subsequently became a twice-monthly publication and, finally, was published on a weekly basis. Truong Vinh Ky's closest association with the newspaper was during the 1860's and early 1870's. He was appointed editor in September 1869.

²⁸ Cours d'histoire annamite à l'usage des écoles de la Basse Cochinchine 2 vols. (Saigon, 1875–1877).Google Scholar

²⁹ In addition to the biography by Khong Xuan Thu which has already been noted, the following sample of references reflects the generally approving tone of writing on Truong Vinh Ky: Le-Ngoc-Tru, “Chu quoc-ngu tu the-ky XVII den cuoi the-ky XIX,” (Quoc-ngu writing from the seventeenth century to the end of the nineteenth century) Viet-Nam Khao-Co Tap-San (Transactions of the Hisbe torical Research Institute), 2 (1961) 113–136, in particular p. 134; Nguyen-Huong, , “Pétrus Truong-Vinh-Ky (1837–1898),” Van-Hoa Nguyet-San (Culology.tural Monthly), XIV, 12 (1965) 1709–1737Google Scholar; Huynh-Minh, , Vinh-Long Xua va Nay (Vinh-Long Yesterday and Today), (Saigon, 1967).Google Scholar

³⁰ To-Minh-Trung, , “Truong-Vinh-Ky ten tay sai dac luc dau tien cua chu nghia thuc dan Phaptrong lich su ta,” (Truong Vinh Ky, the first accomplished lackey to serve the French in the history of our country), NCLS 59 (02 1964) 43.Google Scholar

³¹ See, in particular, Nguyen-Anh, , “Vai y kienve Truong Vinh Ky,” (A few opinions about Truong Vinh Ky), NCLS 57 (12 1963) 17–26Google Scholar which deals witii the visit which Ky made to northern Vietnam in 1876, and the period which Ky spent at Hue in 1886.

³² Anon., “Binh luan ve Truong-Vinh-Ky,” (Commenting on Truong Vinh Ky), NCLS 62 (05 1964) 29.Google Scholar

³³ Cao-Xuan-Duc, , ed., Quoc-Trieu Dang-Khoa-Luc (Register of the successful candidates in the national examinations) (Saigon, 1962 trans.) p. 31.Google Scholar

³⁴ Le-Thanh-Canh, , “Notes pour servir à l'histoire de l'éstablissement du protectorat français en Annam (1847–1863),” Bulletin des Amis de Vieux Hué (1928) 181–204, 283–294Google Scholar; (1929) 39–51; (1932) 219–246; (1937) 381–396.

³⁵ French archival materials relating to the actions of Admiral de La Grandière are to be found in, Archives de France, Marine BB4, 876, and Archives de France, Section Outre-Mer, Indochine A-30(6). See also. Vial, , Les prèmieres années Tome II, pp. 122–151Google Scholar; Taboulet, G., La geste française en Indochine 2 vols. (Paris, 1955–1956) Tome pp. 507–520.Google Scholar

³⁶ In addition to the biography by Nam Xuan Tho, see as further examples of sympathetic treatment of Phan Thanh Gian: Thai-Van-Kiem and Ho-Dac-Ham eds., Viet-Nam Nhan-Vat-Chi Vung-Bien (A Dictionary of Vietnamese Personalities), a complete issue of Van-Hoa Tung-Thu (Cultural Series), 13–14 (1962) 74–84Google Scholar; Tan, Nguyen Phut, A Modern History of Viet-Nam pp. 227–240Google Scholar; Can, Truong Ba, “Phan-Thanh-Gian voi viec mat ba tinh mien tay,” (Phan Thanh Gian and the loss of the diree western provinces), in Ky Niem 100 Nam Ngay Phap Chiem Nam-Ky (To commemorate the centennial of the day the French seized southern Vietnam) (Saigon, 1967) pp. 181–206Google Scholar. The last item is of considerable interest since the author of the article has consulted archives held in France and made reference to articles on Phan Thanh Gian which appeared in Nghien Cuu Lich Su.

³⁷ Truong-Huu-Ky, , “Danh gia Phan-Thanh-Gian the nao cho dung?,” (How exactly should we judge Phan Thanh Gian?), NCLS 54, (08 1963) 20.Google Scholar

³⁸ Vial, , Les premières années Tome I, p. 153.Google Scholar

³⁹ Nguyen-Anh, , “Vai y kien ve Truong-Vinh-Ky,” NCLS 57 (12 1963) pp. 17–26.Google Scholar

The original of Truong Vinh Ky's political report is held in the Pétrus Ky Museum, Saigon, “Correspondance 1873–1875,” No. 50 “Rapport à l'Amiral par l'intermédiaire de M. Regnault de Premensil.” I am indebted to M. Charles Truong Vinh Tong for the opportunity to consult material in the Pétrus Ky Museum.

⁴⁰ Pétrus Ky Museum, “Correspondance 1873–1875,” No. 105, Truong Vinh Ky to M. Perrin of the Société Philologique, Saigon, September 3, 1877.

⁴¹ See, for instance, extracts from a lecture by Tran-Tan-Binh published in the Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient VII, 1–2 (01, 01 1907) pp. 155–166Google Scholar. Of interest also are the views expressed by Pham-Quynh, Quelques confèrences à Paris (Hanoi, 1923) pp. 116–118.Google Scholar

⁴² In particular is this so for two other early collaborateurs, Huynh Tinh Cua and Truong Minh Ky (no relation to Truong Vinh Ky), who were also closely associated with the promotion of quocngu.

⁴³ Thai-Van-Kiem, and Ho-Dac-Ham, , eds., Viet-Nam Nhan-Vat-Chi Vung-Bien, p. 82.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Archives de France, Marine BB4, 876, “Dossier à l'appui de la Dépêche au Ministre en date de 27 [25?] Juin 1867, No. 543.”

⁴⁵ Thai-Van-Kiem, and Ho-Dac-Ham, , eds., Viet-Nam Nhan-Vat-Chi Vung-Bien, p. 82Google Scholar. Tho, Nam Xuan, Phan Thanh Gian, pp. 74–75.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Taboulet, , La geste Tome II, pp. 518–519Google Scholar; Dao-Thai-Hanh, , “Son Excellence Phan-Thanh-Gian, Ministre de l'Annam (1796–1867),” Bulletin des Amis de Vieux Hué (1915) pp. 211–224.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Buttinger, J., The Smaller Dragon: A Political History of Vietnam (New York, 1958) p. 363.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Archives de France, Section Outre-Mer, Indochine A-30 (12), Admiral de La Grandière to the Minister of the Colonies, Saigon, August 27, 1867, enclosing a copy of a letter from Father Marc of August 26, 1867. Father Marc, who was present at Phan Thanh Gian's death states that Phan gave the following advice to his sons: “The French are your masters, follow them …”.

⁴⁹ This observation does not represent an apologia for such nineteenth century collaborateurs in Cochinchina as Do Huu Phuong and Le Phat Dat, both of whom grew rich following their association widi the French and whose association with the colonial administration may well have involved venal considerations. Yet even here some qualification is required. It would be a misrepresentation of history to suggest that these men did not believe in the virtue of their association with the French.

⁵⁰ The extent to which the French colonial forces were unsuccessful in completely eliminating resistance in the northern areas of Vietnam throughout the eighties and nineties of the last century has probably not been given sufficient attention in most western writings. In particular, the efforts of Phan Dinh Phung and Hoang Hoa Tham (better known as De Tham) warrant close attention.

⁵¹ Some insight into Truong Vinh Ky's strong personality which at times led him to personal clashes with individual Frenchmen may be found through examination of his personal dossier held in the Archives of the Republic of Vietnam, Saigon, S.L.172. See, for instance, Truong Vinh Ky to the Director of die Interior, October 3, 1869, in which Ky resigned from the colonial administration. It should be noted that this resignation did not last for any significant period.

⁵² Despite his pronounced adherence to a Confucian view of life and his assumption that Vietnam would eventually find a way to deal with the problems posed by the French—see, in particular, the memorial reproduced in Dao-Thanh-Hai, “Son Excellence Phanh Thanh Gian, Ministre de l'Annam (1796–1867)”—it seems proper to regard Phan Thanh Gian's view of the Vietnamese state as having been profoundly affected by his experience of France and the French.