¹ Chi, Liu, Pei-hsün ssu-chi (Yün-ch'uang ts'ung-k'o ed.), 1aGoogle Scholar. Shang-tu was situated near To-lun, in present-day Inner Mongolia.

² Ibid., 5a. Ying-ch'ang lay west of present-day Ching-p'eng hsien in western Jehol province.

³ TTSL III, 1021.Google Scholar

⁴ Sei, Wada, “Mindai no Mōko to Manshū” [“Mongolia and Manchuria in the Ming”], Tōashi Ronsō (Tokyo, 1943), p. 307.Google Scholar

⁵ A famous exception is Wang Mang's “Hsin” Dynasty, A.D. 8–23.

⁶ Han, Wu, “Ming-chiao yü Ta-Ming ti-kuo” [“Manicheism and the Ming Empire”], Tu-shih cha-chi (Peking, 1961), p. 267.Google Scholar

⁷ Cf. Harrison, James P., The Communists and Chinese Peasant Rebellions (New York, 1969), pp. 64, 210–11, 228, 291–2.Google Scholar

⁸ Serruys, H., “Mongols in China during the Hung-wu Period,” Mélanges Chinoises et Bouddhiques, XI (1956–1959). 23.Google Scholar

⁹ Ssu-ming, Meng, Yüan-tai she-hui chieh-chi chih-tu [The Social Class System of the Yüan Dynasty] (Peking, 1938), p. 219Google Scholar. Cf. also the unfounded plot of 1310 to “kill all of the Tartars and Moslems” reported in YTC 41. 12b–14a.

¹⁰ YS, YTC, and the anonymous Chao-pu tsunglu. On this latter work, see Franke, H., “Some Aspects of Chinese Private Historiography,” Historians of China and Japan, ed. Beasley, W. G. and Pulleyblank, E. G. (London, 1961), p. 119Google Scholar. Franke translates the title: “General Acount of Police Actions.”

¹¹ The rebellion of Ts'ai Wu-chiu in 1315, however, appears to have had the backing of the Kiangsi landlord gentry as their means of protesting an impending land survey; see Schurmann, H. F., The Economic Structure of the Yüan Dynasty (Cambridge, 1956), p. 32.Google Scholar

¹² The Yuan tien-chang is a corpus of Yüan administrative law with illustrative cases.

¹³ YTC 57.42a–43b.

¹⁴ YTC 57.56b–57a.

¹⁵ YTC 57.54a–b; hsin-chi, hsing-pu 90a.Google Scholar

¹⁶ YTC 57.43b, 45b, 46b; hsin-chi, hsing-pu 84aGoogle Scholar; T'ung-chih t'iao-ko (Peking, 1930), 27.21b–22a; 28.14b–16a.Google Scholar

¹⁷ YS 52.8b; 105.21b–22a; T'ung-chih t'iao-ko 28.29b; Wang Yün, Ch'iu-chien chi (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.), 86.31a; Ratchnevsky, Paul, Un Code des Yuan (Paris, 1937), pp. lxxxv–viGoogle Scholar; YTC 32.14b.

¹⁸ Schurmann, , p. 32.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Note, however, that during the reign of Qubilai (1260–94) the government attempted to extend control down to the village level through the institution of the she (community) system, which in addition to inculcating better farming methods was intended to act as a police system and curb shiftless and immoral behavior. See Schurmann, , pp. 43–48.Google Scholar

²⁰ See Ch'ü, T'ung-tsu, “Chinese Class Structure and its Ideology,” Chinese Thought and Institutions, ed. Fairbank, J. K. (Chicago, 1967), pp. 235–50.Google Scholar

²¹ Chih-yü, Hu, Tzu-shan ta-ch'üan-chiGoogle Scholar (San-i-t'ang ts'ung-shu ed.), 22.22b. The biography of Hu Chih-yü (d. 1293) is in YS ch. 170.

²² Chieh, Wang, Wang Wen-chung chiGoogle Scholar (Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu chen-pen ed.), 6.7a, 21b, 23b–24a. See YS ch. 178 for his biography.

²³ YTC 57.50b.

²⁴ See the Fo-shuo Mi-lo hsia-sheng ching [Sutra on the Descent into Life of the Maitreya as Expounded by the Buddha], translated by Chu Fa-hu in the Western Chin period (A.D. 265–313), in Taishō shinshū dai zōkyō, XIV, 421–23.Google Scholar

²⁵ For the fusion of Manicheism with Maitreya lore that came about during the S. Sung (1127–1278), see Toshiaki, Shigematsu, “Tō-Sō jidai no Miroku kyōhi” [“Maitreya Religious Bandits during the T'ang and Sung”], Shien, No. 3 (12 1931). P. 98Google Scholar. For a general view of heretical religion, Yang, C. K., Religion in Chinese Society (Berkeley, 1967), pp. 229–43Google Scholar, is illuminating.

²⁶ Koryŏ sa (Tokyo, 1908–1909), I, 596Google Scholar. I am advised that an important article on the history of the White Lotus will soon be published by Chan Hoklam of the Ming Biographical History Project.

²⁷ MS III, 1560Google Scholar. Luan-ch'eng is about 200 miles southwest of Peking. The Yüan government at times tolerated and at times suppressed the White Lotus; cf. Han, Wu, “Yüan ti-kuo chih peng-k'uei yü Ming chih chien-kuo” [“The Collapse of the Yüan Empire and the Founding of the Ming”], Ch'ing hua hsüeh-pao, XI (05, 1936), p. 392.Google Scholar

²⁸ For a regional and ideological schema of Yüan secret society activity, see Toshiaki, Shigematsu, “Sō-Gen jidai no kōkingun to Gemmatsu no Miroku-Hakuren kyōhi ni tsuite” [“The Red Turban Army of Sung and Yüan and the Maitreya — White Lotus Religious Bandits of Late Yüan”], Shien, No. 27 (11 1941), p. 140.Google Scholar

²⁹ Heng, Ch'üan, Keng-shen wai-shih (Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng ed.), p. 4Google Scholar; YS 39.13b. Uffelage, H. Schulte, Das Keng-shen Wai-shih. Eine Quelle zur Späten Mongolenzeit (Berlin, 1963)Google Scholar, should be used with caution owing to errors in translation and annotation.

³⁰ Heng, Ch'üan, p. 4Google Scholar. Yüan-chou is now I-ch'un, Kiangsi.

³¹ See the notice in Yüan-chou fu-chih (Kiangsi, 1874)Google Scholar, 5.12b. Ma-ch'eng is in present-day Hupei province.

³² Ch'ien-i, Ch'ien, Kuo-ch'ao ch'ün-hsiung shihlüehGoogle Scholar (Shih-yüan ts'ung-shu ed.), 3.2a; Chao Fang, Tung-shan ts'un-kao (ms. ed.), “K'o-fu Hsiu-ning hsien pei” [“Stele on the Reconquest of Hsiuning Hsien”], no ch. or p. There are other references to Hsiang. TTSL I, 30, 197; Ming T'ai-tsu shih-lu chiao-k'an chi [Collation notes to the Ming T'ai-tsu shih-lu], ed. Huang Chang-chien (Academia Sinica, 1965), I, 37Google Scholar. I am indebted to Prof. Kuo Ting-yee of Academia Sinica for pointing out to me that the p'u element in the rebels' names suggests that they were a sworn brotherhood. Yet not all of the rebels bore this as part of their name. Thus there were Ni Wen-chün, a fisherman; and Hsiung T'ien-jui, from a family of registered musicians. See Tzu-ch'i, Yeh, Ts'ao-mu-tzu (Ch'ing ms. ed.), 3.8b; MS III, 1567.Google Scholar

³³ For a slightly different interpretation, cf. Mote, F. W., The Poet Kao Ch'i (Princeton, 1962), p. 13.Google Scholar

³⁴ YS 42.6b; 66.1a–b. I hope in a later study to deal with the important subject of late Yüan politics.

³⁵ Cf. Kuo Qonichi's exploit in YS 41.4a–b; and that of the Hua-shan bandits near Nanking in YS 41.13a, and Tsung-i, T'ao, Cho-keng lu (Ts'ung shu chi-ch'eng ed.), p. 443Google Scholar. Kuo “Qonichi” (lit. “shepherd”) is a not untypical hybrid Sino-Mongolian name of the Yüan period.

³⁶ YS 143.15b; 186.2a; MS III, 1570.Google Scholar

³⁷ Reported in Yeh Tzu-ch'i, 3.7b.

³⁸ Reported in YS 66.11a–b. It would be difficult to assert the authenticity of the figurine story.

³⁹ YS 66.2a; Yeh Tzu-ch'i, 3.7b.

⁴⁰ Yeh Tzu-ch'i, 3.8a. Kiangnan and Sai-pei, here used in a figurative sense, arc antithetical geographical expressions. It seems safe to interpret them as referring to the common people on the one hand, and the Mongol government on the other. This introduces both an anti-Mongol note and a suggestion of economic grievance. Both elements are revealed in the rebel proclamation issued to the Korean court in 1359: “With grief we note that the common people have long been captives of the barbarians. … Everyone has come over to us, like starving men after food or sick men after medicine. …” See Koryŏ sa I, 597Google Scholar; also again in III, 367.

⁴¹ Yeh Tzu-ch'i, 3.7b–8a; Heng, Ch'üan, p. 14Google Scholar; MS III, 1560Google Scholar. Not all Red Turbans were necessarily White Lotus followers, however. Cf. Lien-chiang hsien-chih (Fukien, 1927)Google Scholar, 3.39b.

⁴² YS 42.7a. Ying-chou is now Fou-yang, Anhwei.

⁴³ Shen, Lu, P'ing hu lu (Ts'ung-shu ch-ch'eng ed.), pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Heng, Ch'üan, p. 9Google Scholar; Tsung-i, T'ao, p. 439Google Scholar. Cf. also Han-sheng, Yen, “Liu Fu-t'ung fen-mu tiaoch'a hsiao-chi” [“Short Note on the Investigation of Liu Fu-t'ung's Tomb”], Li-shih chiao hsüch (08 1955), p. 8.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ YS 42.6b, 7b.

⁴⁶ YS 194.11a–b; Ch'üan Heng, p. 14.

⁴⁷ Kuo-yang feng-t'u chi (Anhwei, 1924), 15.6b.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid., 15.6a; YS 141.4b.

⁴⁹ Yeh Tzu-ch'i, 3.8a–b.

⁵⁰ For the she-chang, cf. note 19 above, and Schurmann, , p. 44.Google Scholar

⁵¹ YS 42.8a; Heng, Ch'üan, p. 14Google Scholar; Hsü tzu-chih t'ung-chien, ed. Pi Yüan (Peking, 1957), VI, 5721Google Scholar. Hsü-chou is in northwest Kiangsu province.

⁵² MS III, 1559Google Scholar; TTSL I, 4–7Google Scholar; Taylor, Romeyn, The Social and Political Origins of the Ming Dynasty (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Chicago, 1960), pp. 20–1Google Scholar. Hao-chou is now Feng-yang, Anhwei.

⁵³ K'uan, Wu, P'ing wu lu (Chieh-yüeh shan-fang hui-ch'ao ed.), 1a–3bGoogle Scholar; Tsung-i, T'ao, p. 439Google Scholar; Yeh Tzu-ch'i, 3.9a. T'ai-chou is now T'ai-hsien, Kiangsu.

⁵⁴ YS 42.14a ff. and passim; T'ai-chou fu-chih (Chekiang, 1936), 133–3b–7a.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Yeh Tzu-ch'i, 3.8a.

⁵⁶ YS 42.11b; 144.13a; Nan-ch'ang fu-chih (Kiangsi, 1873)Google Scholar, 18.31a–32b.

⁵⁷ YS 188.18a–b; 195.9a–b.

⁵⁸ Liu-yang hsien-chih (Hunan, 1873), 13.4aGoogle Scholar; Nan-ch'ang fu-chih, 18.30b; Chi-an fu-chih (Kiangsi, 1876)Google Scholar, 20.28a; Lien, Sung, Sung Hsüeh-shih ch'üan-chi (Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng ed.), p. 841.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Shao-wu fu-chih (Fukien, 1897)Google Scholar, 13.20b.

⁶⁰ Ch'i, Li, Yün-yang chiGoogle Scholar (ms. ed.), 8.34a–36a.

⁶¹ Cf. Tsung-i, T'ao, p. 437Google Scholar; Wei-chen, Yang, Tung-wei-tzu wen-chiGoogle Scholar (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.), 22.14a–b; YS 42.18b.

⁶² K'uei, Yin, Ch'iang-chai chiGoogle Scholar (ms. ed.), 4.3a–4a; also cf. Wang Ch'ung-wu, “Lun Yüan-mo nungmin ch'i-i ti fa-chan shui-pien chi ch'i tsai li-shihshang so ch'i ti chin-pu tso-yung” [“The Development and Transformation of the Late Yüan Peasant Risings and their Progressive Effect on History”], Li-shih yen-chiu, No. 4 (1954). p. 99.Google Scholar

⁶³ Fang, Chao, loc. cit.Google Scholar, note 22 above.

⁶⁴ Actually, the whole area around Ma-ch'eng was declared Lien-t'ai (Lotus Platform) province, and the T'ien-wan capital was established at Ch'ishui, a hsien about 40 miles south of Ma-ch'eng.

⁶⁵ On banditry as a social phenomenon, see Hobsbawm, E. J., Primitive Rebels (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Quoted in Ssu-ming, Meng, p. 212Google Scholar. Chu's remark applies to the area around Hao-chou.

⁶⁷ There are many references to this phenomenon: cf. Yü, Cheng, Shih-shan chiGoogle Scholar (1535 printed ed.), 18.5a–b; Chi-pen, Li, I-shan wen-chiGoogle Scholar (Hu-pei hsien-cheng i-shu ed.), 6.12b–13a; Yin K'uei, 4.3a–4a; Lien, Sung, pp. 637–38.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Chaghan Temür's biography is in YS ch. 141.

⁶⁹ YS 44.3a; 92.8a–18b; 184.13a; 186.3a; 187.13a–14a; Sung, Liu, Ch'a-weng wen-chiGoogle Scholar (1522 printed ed.), 16.17b–18a; Liu O, Wei-shih chi (Ch'ien-k'un cheng-ch'i-chi ed.), 117(1).2a; Yü Ch'üeh, Ch'ing-yang chi (Ch'ien-k'un cheng-ch'i-chi ed.), 132(4).8b. Also cf. Farquhar, D. M.. “The Official Seals and Ciphers of the Yüan Period,” Monumenta Serica, XXV (1966), 380.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ YS 42.18b; 138.29b; TTSL I, 276Google Scholar, Heng, Ch'üan, p. 16Google Scholar. See also the stele, “Yüan T'o ch'eng-hsiang p'ing-Hsü sung-te-pei” [“Laudatory stele on Yüan Chancellor Toghto's Pacification of Hsüchou”], of which Academia Sinica in Taiwan possesses a rubbing.

⁷¹ YS 43.12a–b; 138.31b; 139.5b; 187.3b; Koryŏsa I, 584–5Google Scholar; Ch'ang-ku Chen-i (pseud.), Nung-t'ien yü-hua (Pao-yen-t'ang mi-chi ed.), B.5a–b; T'ao tsung-i, p. 440; Heng, Ch'üan, p. 18Google Scholar; K'uan, Wu, 4a.Google Scholar

⁷² Now Po-hsien, Anhwei.

⁷³ YS 44.1b–44.5b, passim; 186.20a; Yeh Tzuch'i, 3.8b; Heng, Ch'üan, p. 19.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ YS 144.14b; 187.14a; I96.1a–2a; Kung Shiht'ai, Wan-chai chi (Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu ed.), 9.10a– 13b; 10.38a–39a; Wang Li, Lin-yüan wen-chi (Ssuk'u ch'üan-shu chen-pen ed.), addendum, 1b–2b; Yen-ping, Liu, Ch'un-yü-hsien chiGoogle Scholar (Ch'ing-fengt'ang printed ed.), preface, 1a; Sung Lien, p. 674. Also see Jui-chou fu- chih (Kiangsi 1873)Google Scholar, 6.7b; Chien-ch'ang fu-chih (Kiangsi, 1872)Google Scholar, 5.9b–10a; and esp. Kan-chou fu-chih (Kiangsi, 1873)Google Scholar, 32.24b–26b; Chi-an fu-chih (Kiangsi, 1876)Google Scholar, 20.29b.

⁷⁵ Mo, Ch'en, Hai-sang wen-chiGoogle Scholar (Ch'ing ms. ed.), “Hsiao Chin hsiung-ti ai-tz'u” [“Lament for Hsiao Chin and his Brother”], no ch. or p.

⁷⁶ TTSL I, 98–102Google Scholar; also Mote, F. W., p. 28Google Scholar for a graphic description of the assassination.

⁷⁷ The original brotherhood leader Tsou P'usheng remained visible, with the honorary title of Grand Preceptor (t'ai-shih). We know practically nothing of the men in Ch'en's government, with a few exceptions: one Buyan Buqa (a Mongol?) had charge of Ch'en's fisheries monopoly; Chan T'ung, a Kiangsi landlord gentryman, was a Hanlin Academician and concurrent Censor (Liu Ch'en, Kuoch'u shih'-chi, Chieh-yüeh shan-fang hui-ch'ao ed., 34a; MS III, 1719).

⁷⁸ MS III, 1560Google Scholar; Lu Shen, pp. 9–10; Ch'ien, T'an, Kuo ch'üeh (Peking, 1958), I, 267.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ YS 44.10a–15a; 45.1a–7b; 141.5a–6a; 142.2b–7a; 183.7a–b; 188.7a; Hsieh-chou chih (Shansi, 1881)Google Scholar, 13.22a; Kuo-ch'ao hsien-cheng-lu, ed. Chiao Hung (Taipei, 1965)Google Scholar, 11.20a; Koryŏ sa I, 593Google Scholar; Li Shih-chan, Ching-chi wen-chi (Hu-pei hsien-cheng i-shu ed.), 1.4a; MS III, 1636–38.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ YS 45.3b–6b; Heng, Ch'üan, pp. 20–21Google Scholar; Lu ch'eng hsien-chih (Shansi, 1885)Google Scholar, 3B.55bndash;56a.

⁸¹ YS 45.9a–12b; 140.6a; 141.6b; 142.7a; 188.6b–8a; 207.3a; Hsieh-chou chih, 13.22b; Shen, Lu, p. 12Google Scholar; K'o Shao-min, Hsin Yüan shih (Erh-shih-wushih ed.), 225.5a–6b.

⁸² Ys 141.8a; MS III, 1560–61.Google Scholar

⁸³ YS 45.8a–b. We are in ignorance of the activities of the Sung central government; however, both the Sung and T'ien-wan minted copper coins.

⁸⁴ YS 45.14b–16b; 141.8b.

⁸⁵ For a different interpretation, see Lu Nan-ch'iao, “Yüan-mo hung-chin ch'i-i chi ch'i chin-chün Kao-li ti li-shih i-i” [“The Red Turban Risings of Late Yüan and the Historical Significance of their Armed Advance upon Korea”], Wen-shih-che, No. 6 (1954), pp. 32–8Google Scholar; No. 7 (1954), pp. 45–8.

⁸⁶ Cf. Chu's reminiscences in TTSL I, 336Google Scholar; II, 1290.

⁸⁷ Cf. the epitaph in Ming wen-heng, ed. Ch'engmin-cheng, (Taipei, 1962), 63.4b–5b.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ For the often-told story of Chu's earlier years, see Wu Han, Chu Yüan-chang chuan (Hongkong, n.d.), chs. 1 and 2; in English, see Mote, , pp. 30–6Google Scholar, and Taylor, Romeyn, “Social Origins of the Ming Dynasty 1351–1360,” Monumenta Serica, XXII (1963), 8–15Google Scholar. I am more in debt to Wu Han than specific citations might indicate.

⁸⁹ For Chu's own words, see his Ming T'ai-tsu yü-chih wen-chi (Taipei, 1965), p. 450.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ MS III, 1635.Google Scholar

⁹¹ MS III, 1615.Google Scholar

⁹² Wang I, Wang Chung-wen-kung chi (Ch'ien- k'un … ed.), 169(4).18a–19a; Fu Wei-lin, Ming shu (Shanghai, 1937), III, 2345–46Google Scholar. Material in quotes paraphrased by author.

⁹³ MS III, 1713–15.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ MS III, 1714.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Kuo-ch'ao hsien-cheng-lu, 11.1a–b.

⁹⁶ Now Ch'u-hsien and Ho-hsien, in eastern Anhwei north of the Yangtze.

⁹⁷ TTSL I, 34–8Google Scholar; MS III, 1559Google Scholar; Ch'ien Ch'ien-i, 1.13b; Ch'en Chi, l-po-chai kao (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.), 2O.4a–b; Chang Ta-t'ung, Ming-hsing yeh-chi (Academia Sinica microfilm), 5b–6a.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ See his biography in Fu Wei-lin, IV, 2873–74.

⁹⁹ The rebels also hired students of the Yüan official and Confucian teacher Yü Ch'üeh (d. 1358); his biography is in YS ch. 143.

¹⁰⁰ TTSL I, 45–6.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ This number excludes a few temporary Wing Commands set up for small local power holders who surrendered to Chu. Cf. also Taylor, , “Social Origins …,” pp. 20–3.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Witness the role of Chu's nephew Li Wenchung (MS III, 1598–1601); and that of Hu Ta-hai (Hu Han, Hu Chung-tzu chi [Chin-hua ts'ung-shu ed.], 7.3a–b; 9.21a–b).

¹⁰³ Most of this information comes from Liu Ch'en, Kuo-ch'u shih-chi; Liu was an advisor to Li Wen-chung; his biography is in MS III, 1840.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Note Chang I and Hu Shen's donations; Liu Ch'en, 29b.

¹⁰⁵ Kuo-ch'ao hsien-cheng-lu, 9.4a; Ch'ien Ch'ien-i, 1.29b; Sei, Wada, “Min no Taiso to kōkin no zoku” [“Ming T“ai-tsu and the Red Turban Rebels”]. Tōyō Gakuhō, XIII (07, 1922), 135.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Wada, , p. 137Google Scholar; K'uan, Wu, 9bGoogle Scholar; Ch'en, Lin, 12a–13aGoogle Scholar; MS III, 1561.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ See the tables in Taylor, , “Social Origins …,” pp. 25–7.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Cf. Chu's letter of 1356 to Ch'en Yü, quoted in Ch'ien Mu, “Tu Ming-ch'u k'ai-kuo chu-ch'en shih-wen-chi” [“On the Literary Works of the Ministers Involved in the Ming Founding”], Hsin-ya hsüeh-pao, VI (08, 1964), 259–60.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ MS III, 1639Google Scholar and the extended commentary on pp. 1646–47.

¹¹⁰ Ch'en, Liu, 47a.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ TTSL I, 175Google Scholar; II, 478, 750.

¹¹² TTSL I, 45.Google Scholar

¹¹³ TTSL I, 185Google Scholar; II, 536.

¹¹⁴ See the public announcement of June 1366 copied verbatim in Chu Yün-ming, Yeh-chi (Li-tai hsiao-shih cd.), 6b.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ TTSL II, 478.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Some of these disturbances show close geographical and organizational correspondences with the Yüan risings. Thus in April 1373, there was a Maitreya rising in Lo-t'ien, in the old T'ien-wan heartland (TTSL IV, 1458Google Scholar); in July, 1388, another Maitreya rising broke out in Yüan-chou, scene of the monk P'eng Ying-yü's early activities (TTSL VII, 2876Google Scholar). A serious rebellion in Szechwan in 1379 had as its leader one Fang P'u-kuei; the p'u element in his name suggests some link with the early T'ien-wan sworn brotherhood (TTSL V, 1989, 2005).Google Scholar