^* Mr. Briggs is a specialist on the Indochinese Peninsula, especially Cambodia. He has published numerous articles in the Quarterly, Journal of the American Oriental Society, T'oung pao, and other scholarly journals. His book, The Ancient Khmer Empire, is to be published in the near future.

¹ The term Malay Peninsula as used in this article means the peninsula from where it sets out from the mainland in about 15° 30 N. latitude.

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⁴ Pater P. W. Schmidt considers the Sakai, like the Nicobarese of the near-by islands, as speaking an Austro-Asiatic language, earlier and less developed than Mon-Khmer; “Les peuples Mon-Khmers,” Bulletin de I'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient (hereafter BEFEO), 7 (1907), 213-63, and Die sprachfamilien und sprachenkreise der erde (Heidelberg, 1926), 135-40.

⁵ For a discussion of the racial and language affinities of the Semangs and the Sakai, see Skeat, W. W. and Blagden, C. O., Pagan races of the Malay Peninsula (London and New York, 1906), 1:19–31; 2:466-72.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Sylvain Levi, “Ptolemée, La Niddesa et la Brhatkatha,” EA, 2:26; Coedès, “Le royaume de Crivijaya,” 15-18.

¹² Wales, H. G. Quaritch, “Archeological researches on ancient Indian colonization in Malaya,” Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, 18, no. 1 (1940), 1–17, 67-68; Coedès, Etats hindouisés, 72-73.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ Pelliot, , “Le Fou-nan,” BEFEO, 3 (1903), 266. Tien-sun is another orthography for Tunhsün.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁶ Luce, G. H., “Countries neighboring Burma,” Journal of the Burma Research Society (hereafter JBRS), 14, part 2(1924), 144–45Google Scholar. The most probable identification of Ch′ü-tu-k′un, or Tu-k′un seems to be Tun-hsün, in spite of the mention of both in the same paragraph of the Liang shu. The Liang shu says that Tu-k′un is noted for its perfumes (hsiang). A Chinese work cited by Berthold Laufer says that only Tu-k′un produces a particular perfume called ho-hsiang (Journal asiatique, 115, no. 12 (1918), 26). Laufer cites other Chinese texts to show that the ho-hsiang is found at Tun-hsiin and shows how the name Tu-k′un could easily be a corruption of Tun-hsün (ibid., 27-28). R. A. Stein (who calls it Ch′ü-tu), from an intimate study of Chinese documents, identifies it with Kattigara and locates it near Baria, on the coast of what is now Cochinchina (Coedès, , Etals hindouisSs, 71; Briggs, review of Coedès in Far Eastern Quarterly, 8 [May 1949], 374-76. The author has not examined Stein's argument, but does not see how it can be reconciled with the statement of the Chinese that both Ch′ü-tu-k′un and Tun-hs′n were 3,000 li south of Funan, and with other information.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ S. Levi, “Deux peuples méeonnus: (1) Les Merundes,” Mélanges Charles de Harlez (Leyde, 1896), 177; Luce, 145-46; Pelliot, BEFEO, 4(1904), 386.

¹⁹ Pelliot, “Le Fou-nan,” 263.

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²⁴ Luce thinks K′un-lun here probably represents the old Khmer Kurung, which, he says, means “king, regent”; he quotes Pelliot (BEFEO [1904], 228-30). This is apparently true; but it scarcely accounts for the frequency with which the king and people of this region are called K′un-lun.

²⁵ Pelliot thinks the term hu means merchants, to distinguish them from Brahmans.

²⁶ Pelliot, “Le Fou-nan,” 279-80.

²⁷ W. P. Groeneveldt, “Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca,” in Rost, R., Miscellaneous papers relating to Indo-China and the Indian Archipelago (London, 1887), 1:240.Google Scholar

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³² Ma Touan-lin, 466. Luce translates this sentence: “Aloes and camphor are especially abundant” (p. 163).

³³ Ma Touan-lin, 464.

³⁴ Luce, 170-71.

³⁵ Ma Touan-lin, 463-64.

³⁶ Ma Touan-lin, 477.

³⁷ Pelliot, “Le Fou-nan et les théories de M. Aymonier,” 405.

³⁸ Ma Touan-lin, 465.

³⁹ Ibid., 471-75.

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⁴² Luce, 173. Ho-lo-tan may be Ho-ling in Java, although Rosny (199, note) suggests Kelantan. The other places mentioned are not identified and are probably not on the peninsula.

⁴³ Ma Touanlin, 469.

⁴⁴ Ma Touan-lin, 471-75; Luce, 173-75; Rosny, 205-12.

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⁵¹ This name does not occur elsewhere. Rosny thought (p. 221) that Ma Tuan-lin abridged his Po-li-lo-cha to Po-lo-cha. Pelliot has pointed out (BEFEO [1904], 398) that Aymonier thought this might be the Po-lo-sa, which the Sui shu placed to the west of Ch′ih-t′u; and as they all thought Ch′ih-t′u was in the Menam valley, Po-li-lo-cha was naturally placed in the Meklong valley to the west of it. The presumed mission from Po-li-lo-cha during the period 627-49 was probably identical with that from To-ho-lo in 638.

⁵² Rosny, 198.

⁵³ Luce, 179-80; Pelliot, “Deux itinéraires,” 360. note 1.

⁵⁴ Luce, 180, note 3.

⁵⁵ Lang-yahsiu probably included the Chantabun (Chanthaburi) region, or at least the northern part of it, to the border of Funan; for we are told that its east-west extent was one and a half times its north-south extent. But three inscriptions early in the seventh century-one of which mentions Isānavarman of Chenla (about 610-635)-found near Chantabun (BEFEO [1924], 352-58), indicate that this region-or at least the southeast part of it-had probably been absorbed by Chenla.

⁵⁶ Beal, Samuel, Su-yu-ku. Buddhic records of the Western world, translated from the Chinese of Tsiang, Hsuen (London, 1884), 2:200.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Pelliot, “Deux itineraires,” 222-23.

⁶¹ Coedès, , Recueil des inscriptions du Siam: (2) Inscriptions de Dvāravatī, de Crīvijaya et de Lavo (Bangkok, 1929), 1–4, 15, 17-19, 33; Pierre Dupont, “Art siamois les écoles,” Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de I'Indo-chine (hereafter BCAI), 1931-34, 51.Google Scholar

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⁶³ Coedès, , “La extension du Cambodge vers la sudouest au vii siécle,” BEFEO, 24(1924), 352–58.Google Scholar

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⁶⁵ Beal, 2:200, note 33.

⁶⁶ Chavannes, 203; for the Siamese custom of incorporating the name of a capital into that of the succeeding capital, see Coedès, , Etats hindouisés, 369, and Briggs, “The Hinduized states of Southeast Asia: a review,” Far Eastern Quarterly, 7 (August 19-18), 390-91.Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ Briggs, “Dvāravatī,” 103.

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⁷³ Ibid., 105.

⁷⁴ A few years ago, Chavannes edited and published the two oldest Chinese maps. They were dated 1137 A.D. AS a preliminary to this work, he made an inquiry into the development of Chinese cartography. He found that, at the end of the eighth century, Chia Tan, “the most celebrated cartographer of the T′ang dynasty” (Chung-kuo jen-ming ta tz′u-tien [1933], 1331.2, says he was Prime Minister), was ordered by the emperor to make a general map of China. In 801, he completed his work, called, “A map of China and the barbarians within the seas.” It was an enormous product, 30 feet long and 33 feet high. (A Chinese foot at that time is said to be equivalent to 10 inches.) This gigantic work is said to have disappeared without leaving any trace (Chavannes, E., “Les deux plus anciennes specimens de la cartographie chinoise,” BEFEO, 3[1903], 244–45). But the Hsin T′ang shu has preserved, in a form perhaps a little abridged, a short geographical memoir prepared by Chia Tan. This memoir is in the form of a series of itineraries from China to Korea, Central Asia, India and Baghdad. Chavannes made use of a part of the itinerary to Central Asia. Pelliot used and commented on the two to India (Pelliot, “Deux itineraires,” 131-132).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁵ Pelliot, “Deux itineraires,” 372-73.

⁷⁶ Pelliot suggests one of the Brouwers' islands; ibid., 349.

⁷⁷ Wales, “Archeological researches,” 2, note 12.

⁷⁸ Pelliot, , “Deux itinéraires,” 350; Ma Touan-lin, 414-16; Luce, 183-84. Groeneveldt (241) says its customs were like those of Ch′ih-t′u. Luce says they were like those of Ch′ih-t′u and To-ho-lo.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Groeneveldt, 241; Gustav Schlegel (T′oung pao [hereafter TP], 9[1898], 369) identifies Kora Besar with Malacca.

⁸⁰ Gerini, 105-06.

⁸¹ Ferrand, G., “Le Kouen-Louen et les anciennes navigations interoceaniques dans les mers du sud” JA, 115(1919), 237.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ Pelliot, “Deux itinéraires,” 360, note 1.

⁸⁵ Ferrand, 234.

⁸⁶ Luce, 183, thought the statement of the Hsin T′ang shu that Kalasapura was southeast of P′an-p′an was an error for southwest (but see above).

⁸⁷ Pelliot, “Deux itinéraires,” 232; Luce, 186-87.

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¹⁰¹ Twenty-five years later (943), Masudi says the empire of the Maharaja, which is Sribuza, has extended its domination over all the sixth sea, or sea of Champa; see also Masudi's statement in the paragraph above.

¹⁰² In the middle of the thirteenth century, the kingdom of Sribuza seems to have corresponded to the early kingdom of Zābag, for Ibn Said says its area was 160 by 400 miles and gives its latitude as 3° 40′, approximately that of Palembang (Ferrand, 70-71).

¹⁰³ Ferrand, 50, note 1; “(Kalāh-bar) = literally, the maritime country of Kalāh = Kera, or Kra, on the west side of the Malay peninsula.”

¹⁰⁴ Coedès, , Etats hindouisés, 183–86, 214-20; Pelliot, “Deux itinéraires,” 286.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Lawrence Palmer Briggs, “The origin of the Śailendra dynasty. Present state of the question,” to appear in JAOS, June 1950; Coedès, ibid.

¹⁰⁶ In 904-07, according to Chau Ju-kua′s Chu-fan-chϊ; in 905, according to the Sung shih (Ferrand, L′empire sumatranais, 14, 17).

¹⁰⁷ San-fo-ch′i was apparently a later Chinese name of the empire of Shih-li-fo-shih (Śrivi-jaya); but the capital of the kingdom of Malayu (Jambi), instead of that of the state of Śrivi-jaya (Palembang), may at times have been at the head of the empire of San-fo-ch′i.

¹⁰⁸ Ferrand, op. cit., 17-22, 162-68.

¹⁰⁹ Tamil inscriptions, dated by Coedes in the 5-6th and 7-9th centuries and in the epoch of the Chola dynasty, have been found at or near the ancient sites of Tambralinga and Takola. They have been noted by Aymonier (Le Cambodge, 2:76), who thought they were Sanskrit; by Finot (BCAI [1910], 147-63; [1912], 157-61), and by Coedès, who translated them into French (Inscriptions du Siam, 2:55, 49-50, 57-59).

¹¹⁰ The inhabitants of Chenla (not Funan) are said by their legends to have been the real Kambuja, or Khmers (Coedès, , “La site primitif de Tchen-la,” BEFEO, 18[1918], 1–3.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁷ Pelliot, , “Mémoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge, par Tcheou Ta-kouan,” BEFEO, 2 (1902), 125Google Scholar. In 1178, Chantabun may have been an integral part of Cambodia, which it seems to have remained until the Siamese conquest of the lower Menam (Briggs, , “Siamese attacks on Angkor before 1430,” Far Eastern Quarterly 8[Nov. 1948], 4–6); but in 960, it seems to have been a dependency.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹²⁵ Nothing has been known of either Udayādityavarman or Jayavīravarman before they came to the throne of Cambodia nor of their ultimate fate. In a recent study, the eminent Dutch scholar, Dr. F. D. K. Bosch, has advanced the very reasonable theory that Udayādityavarman was Udāyana of Bali; that through fear for her sons, the infant Narapativīravarman and the unborn Udayādityavarman, their mother fled to East Java about 970, where her sons grew up and the younger married Mahendradattā, became the father of a son, Airlangga, who was to become one of the great kings of Java; that with Mahendradattā, Udāyana ruled Bali from 889 to 1001, when the death of Jayavarman V called him to the throne of Cambodia; that after he abandoned that throne he returned to Bali and again ruled that island from 1011 to 1022 (Bosch, “De laatste der Pandawa's,” BKI [1948], 541-71). The writer of this article believes that Jayavīravarman was Narapativiravarman and that after his defeat by Sūryavarraan I in 1010 or 1011, he too returned to Bali, helped his brother regain his throne and, under the name of Norottama, became the great minister of his nephew, Airlangga (see the author's The ancient Khmer Empire, soon to appear).

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¹²⁷ Coedès, , “Une nouvelle inscription d'Ayuthya,” Journal of the Thailand Research Society, 35, pt. 1 (1944), 73–76; Dupont thinks this inscription refers to the dynasty of Bhavapura, who presumably were vassals of Cambodia ruling in the upper Mun valley (Dupont, 46). The author of this article prefers the former view.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ The conquest of the Menam valley is placed after that of Cambodia by this writer, chiefly because the Pali chronicle relating the account of it says Sūryavarman was called Kambojarāja “because of his previous exploits (deeds?)” (see note 131).

¹²⁹ The term Śrī Dharmarāja nagara was not applied to Tambralinga until the inscription of Rama Khamheng in 1292, although Śrī Dharmarāja was applied to Chandrabhānu in the inscription of Jaiya of 1230 (Coedès, , Recueil du inscriptions du Siam, 2:41–43); the Pali chronicle containing the above account is dated 1516.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁵ Hirth and Rockhill, 56; Ma Touan-lin, 487-88. It was not unusual, in giving these directions, to say that two countries bounded each other when a body of water intervened.

¹⁴⁶ Coedès, , “La stele de Palhal,” BEFEO, 13, no. 6(1913), 12–15Google Scholar; Coedès, , Un grand rot du Cambodge: Jayavarman VII (Phnom Penh, 1935), 11Google Scholar; Coedès, , “Quelques suggestions sur la methode à suivre pour interpreter les bas-reliefs de Bantay Chmar et la galerie intérieure du Bayon,” BEFEO, 37(1937), 80, note 1Google Scholar; Majumdar, R. C., Champa (Lahore, 1927), pt. 3, 203.Google Scholar

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¹⁵² Majumdar protests-with some reason, it seems to this author-that these names and titles are not necessarily exclusive to Malāyu and that it cannot be assumed that this king was of a Malāyu line simply because a Malayan king of the same name existed a century or more later (Suvarnadvīpa, 195-96).

¹⁵³ Pelliot, “Deux itinéraires,” 233.

¹⁵⁴ Hirth and Rockhill, 53, 56, 67-68.

¹⁵⁵ Ma Touan-lin, 583-85.

¹⁵⁶ Pelliot, “Deux itineraires,” 233.

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¹⁶¹ Hirth and Rockhill, 65, 66, note 18.

¹⁶² Hirlh and Rockhill, 71-72.

¹⁶³ Coedès, , Inscriptions du Siam, 2:6, 45.Google Scholar

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¹⁶⁵ Hirth and Rockhill, 23.

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¹⁷¹ The belief that Chandrabhānu was killed rested on the statement of the inscription of the tenth year (1264 A.O.) of the reign of Jatāvarman Vīra-Pāndya (a Pandya king of south India) that that king took “the crown and the crowned head of the Sāvaka (Jāvaka) king” (Ferrand, L'empire sumatranais, 48).

¹⁷² Coedès, G., “A propos de la chute du royaume de Çrīvijaya,” BKI, 83 (1927), 459–72.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Majumdar, Suvarnadvlpa (Dacca, 1937), bk. 2, ch. 3 and Appendix.

¹⁷⁴ Śastri, K. A. Nilakanta, “Śrīvijaya, Chandrabhānu and Vīra-Pāndya,” Tijdschrift voor Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 77 (1937) 251–68.Google Scholar

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¹⁷⁷ G. Coedès, Etats hindouisés, 309-11, 301. The author of this article adds another argument to support the belief that from about this period, Srlvijaya was not completely in control of the west coast of the Bandon region: The Ling-wai-tai ta (1178) says Chenla was bounded on the south by Grahi, which seems to imply that Grahi, which was in the hands of Chandrabānu in 1230, extended across the peninsula at this time.

¹⁷⁸ Briggs, “The appearance and historical usage of the terms Tai, Thai, Siamese and Lao,” JA OS (1949), 71.

¹⁷⁹ Briggs, in his “A sketch of Cambodian history,” Far Eastern Quarterly, 6 (August 1947), 353Google Scholar, thinks Jayavarman VII died about 1215, basing his opinions largely on the disastrous campaigns in Champa and Annam in 1216 and 1218. Recent investigations of Coedès lead him to fix the date of his death at 1218 or 1219. “L'année de la Lièvre, 1219, A.D.,” India antigua (Leyden, 1947), 83-87; Coedès, , Etats hindouisés, 318–19.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Probably the governor of the old dependent state of San-lo.

¹⁸¹ Coedès, , “Les origines de la dynastie de Sukhodaya,” JA (13), 1920; 233-45.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Coedès now thinks Indrāditya came to the throne about 1220 (Etats hindouisés, 328).

¹⁸³ Briggs, “Tai, Thai, etc.” 67; Ney Elias, Introductory sketch of the history of the Shans (Calcutta, 1876), 17-20.

¹⁸⁴ Coedès, , “Laos Occidentales,” BEFEO, 25(1925), 98–99.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ Coedès, Inscriptions du Siam, 1:44; Bradley, C. B., “The oldest known writing in Siamese,” JSS, 6, pt. 1 (1909), 25–26.Google Scholar

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¹⁸⁷ Coedès thinks the latter part of the inscription, enumerating the regions conquered, may have been a postscript added a little later than the rest of the inscription and that all these conquests may not have taken place before 1292.

¹⁸⁸ Coedès, quoting Dutch documents, says that, in 1275, taking advantage of the decline of Śrīvijaya, Kritinagara of Singhasari (Java) sent an expedition which established Javanese suzerainty over Malāyu and some places in the Malay peninsula (Etats hindouisés, 332). He also says that this expedition was contemporary with the Tai expedition which Mon documents allude to before 1280 (ibid., 338; Blagden, C. O., “The empire of the Mahārāja,” JRAS, Straits branch, 81 [1920] 25).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Pelliot, ”Deux itinéraires,” 242.

¹⁹⁰ Briggs, “Tai, Thai, etc.,” 72.

¹⁹¹ Pelliot, “Mémoires,” 131.

¹⁹² Briggs, , “Siamese attacks on Angkor before 1430,” Far Eastern Quarterly, 8 (Nov. 1948), 3-6.Google Scholar

¹⁹³ Pelliot, “Deux itinéraires,” 242-44.

¹⁹⁴ Coedés, , Etats hindouisés, 338–41. When Marco Polo passed through this region he says the eight states of Sumatra (which he calls Java Minor) which he enumerates each had a king of its own.Google Scholar