Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 March 2011
Japanese literature of the war years (1941–45) has hardly been discussed abroad, and in Japan the tendency, until very recently, was to dismiss the entire production as “sterile,” or even to deny that any existed. Obviously more than strictly literary criteria have occasioned this reluctance to consider a most important though painful period in modern Japanese writing. Foreign scholars have hesitated to uncover dirty linen; the Japanese, embarrassed by old remembrances, naturally prefer to allude to the war in terms of its suffering, rather than in terms of the joy which most people had experienced when sharing certain ideals. On occasion, polemicists have attempted to discredit an opponent by quoting his wartime publications, but the sting of their attacks is dulled by the unspoken awareness that almost everybody was involved and, if guilty, equally so.
1 Motoichi, Sasaki, “Gendai tanka wa dō naru ka” [“What will happen to the modern tanka?”], Tanka Kenkyū. XV (01 1958), 112–113.Google Scholar
2 Ken, Hirano, “Nihon Bungaku Hōkokukai no seiritsu”Google Scholar [“The Establishment of the Japanese Literature Patriotic Association”], Bungaku, XXIX (May 1961), 6.
3 I leafed through wartime issues of three important American literary periodicals, Harper's, Nation, and New Yorker (roughly parallel to Bungei Shunjū, Kaizō, and Shinchō), but found no “patriotic” poetry or prose of the kind which regularly appeared in the best Japanese magazines.
4 Susumu, Odagiri, “Zoku jūnigatsu yōka no kiroku” [“A Record of December Eighth, Continued”], Bungaku, XXX (04 1962), 104.Google Scholar
5 Ibid, p. 109.
6 Odagiri, , “Jūnigatsu yōka no kiroku” [“A Record of December Eighth”], Bungaku, XXIX (12 1961), 142.Google Scholar
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12 Ibid, p. 133.
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30 Satō, “Aikoku hyakunin isshu shōron” [“A Short Discussion of the Aikpku Hyakunin Isshu”], Kaizō, XXV (06 1943), 81.Google Scholar
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40 Discussed in Ozaki, “Daitōa Kyōdō Sengen,” pp. 33–37Google Scholar. An English translation may be found in The Reeds, Vol. VII and Vol. VIII.
41 See Jun, Takami, Shōwa Bungaku Seisui Shi, II, 274–275.Google Scholar
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43 Meetings of prospective couples, arranged by go-betweens.
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46 Ibid, p. 158. (Entry for June 3, 1943).
47 Ibid, p. 163. (Entry for June 25, 1943).
48 Ibid, p. 180. (Entry for October 12, 1943).
49 Ibid, pp. 195, 262.
50 The Japanese fondness for keeping diaries, a tradition dating back to the Heian Period, was so strong that even writers fully aware of the danger that they might be searched continued to record their daily thoughts. “I shall have to be careful with this diary,” wrote Takami Jun as he began what was to develop into a 3,000 page diary for 1945 alonel See his “Ankoku jidai no Kamakura bunshi” [“A Kamakura Writer during the Dark Ages”], Bungei Shunjū, XXXVI (07 1958).Google Scholar
51 Takami, , p. 298Google Scholar. This entry was written on August 12, 1945, three days before the surrender.
52 The noted painter Fujita Tsugiharu expressed the belief in “Ōshū gadan e no beibetsu” [“Farewell to the Painting Circles of Europe”] that Japan had become the centre of world culture and no longer needed to look to Europe. (Kaizō, XXV, [02 1943]Google Scholar. Mushakōji Saneatsu in “Shōri e no jikaku” decried all American art, except for the etchings of Whistler, which show the influence of Japanese ukiyoe. He stated moreover that he would like to drop bombs on New York and Washington on the day of the presidential inauguration in 1945 together with leaflets asking, “Have you learned your lesson?” (Bungei Shunjū, XXII [11 1944], 10–13.)Google Scholar
53 Jōruri Zasshi, No. 424 (10 1944), 20.Google Scholar
54 Among the author's other indictments we find:
“Villains who in place of the independence they promised the Philippines,
Forced them to buy electric phonographs, refrigerators and sewing machines.”
55 Tanaca Kōtarō Zenshū, III, 257–258.Google Scholar
56 Noguchi, , Hakkōshō Ippyakuhen, pp. 119–121.Google Scholar
57 Venture to the Interior, p. 225.Google Scholar