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The Influence of Jurchen Rule on Chinese Political Institutions

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

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Abstract

This paper is an attempt to assess the influences of the Jurchen Chin dynasty (1115–1234) on the Chinese political system, with emphasis on the bearing of alien rule on the establishment of a highly centralized despotism. The thesis is that the Jurchen solutions to the political problems arisen from the conquest situation seem to require measures of centralized control. During the initial phase of conquest, the political struggles between the bureaucrats and the aristocrats entailed the brutalization of the political process. Subsequently the need for centralized control led to wholesale sinicization. There are, however, several aspects of Jurchen rule in the formation of a centralized despotism: the establishment of a prototype of the provincial system, the abolition of important government councils, the monopoly of state affairs by a single administrative organization, the degradation of scholar-officials by inflicting corporal punishment, and the transformation of the censorate into an imperial instrument. The alien rules also adopted and modified the Chinese civil service examination system to stabilize their regime. The Chin, as a successor state of the Northern Sung, served as an important link in Chinese cultural and political developments, and transferred its institutions to later conquest dynasties.

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Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1970

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References

1 For a general treatment of the trend, see Mote, F. W., “The Growth of Chinese Despotism,” Oriens Extremus, Vol. 8, No. 1 (1961) 141.Google Scholar

2 Wittfogel, Karl A. and Chia-sheng, Feng in their History of Chinese Society: Liao (907–1125) (Philadelphia, 1949) pp. 1516Google Scholar assert that the dynasties during the period of disruption are dynasties of infiltration rather than conquest. Tamura Jitsuzō points out that these dynasties of infiltration are the results of great waves of barbarian migration similar to the barbarian invasions in Europe. See his pamphlet, , “Yūboku minzoku to nōkō minzoku tono rekishi teki kankei” (The Historical Relations between the Nomads and Agriculturists), issued by Kyōto University in 1968, pp. 25.Google Scholar

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4 See Tao, Jing-shen, “The Horse and the Rise of the Chin Dynasty,” Papers of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters, LIII (1968) 183189.Google Scholar

5 The situation is evident in the career of Han Chi-hsien, who assumed the position of Chanceller in 1128. Han, however, always stayed in North China, never having the chance to have an audience with Wu-ch'i-mai in Manchuria until 1134, when he was appointed Right Prime Minister of the newly reformed central government. The case of Han also indicates the powerful position held by the generals in North China, who, in fact, completed A-ku-ta's unfinished task of conquest. See Chin Shih (Dynastic History of the Chin. Po-na ed.; hereafter cited as CS), 78.8ab.

6 For details see Tsugio, Mikami, “Kinsho ni okeru sanshō seido, Part I” (The Three Department System for Central Government in the Early Chin Dynasty), Rekishi to Bunka, V (1961) 151.Google Scholar

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11 In the early years the highest authority in military affairs was held by generals such as Nienhan and Wa-li-pu. Later the Chancellery took over their power. Cf. CS, 44Google Scholar. The Chancellery, unlike that of the Northern Sung, was controlled by the Presidential Council. See CS, 114.8b.Google Scholar

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21 Cf. Gunji, Toyama, “Sansei o chūshin toseru kinshō sōkan no katsuyaku” (Chin General Tsunghan's Activities Centering upon Shansi), Tōyōshi Kenhyū, Vol. 1, No. 6 (1936) 509532.Google Scholar

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34 Ibid., 109.8b–9a.

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38 Ssu-yü, Teng, Chung-kuo k'ao-shih chih-tu shih (A History of Chinese Examination System. Taipei, 1966) pp. 189193 and 201202Google Scholar. In the early Chin the quota for the chin-shih from the northern region was 200 while that for the southern region was 150.

39 Tao, Jing-shen, “Chin-tai ch'u-ch'i nü-chen ti han-hua” (The Sinicization of the Jurchen in the Early Chin Period), Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, XVII (1968) 5354.Google Scholar

40 Ibid., 54.

41 CS, 51.11a–12a.Google Scholar

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44 The Mongols also balanced the several ethnic elements in their bureaucracy by dividing the exanimation degrees equally among the four ethnic groups. The policy was perhaps an imitation of the Jurchen example, but Yuan examinations only played a very limited role. See Kracke, E. A. Jr., “Region, Family, and Individual in the Chinese Examination System,” in Fairbank, John K. (ed.), Chinese Thought and Institutions (Chicago and London, 1957), p. 263Google Scholar. Cf. also Ssu-yü, Teng, op. cit., pp. 211213Google Scholar. In the early years of the Ch'ing period the rulers adopted a similar quota system in favor of the Manchus. See ibid., p. 255.

45 Cf. Liu, James T. C., “Sung Roots of Chinese Political Conservatism: the Administrative Problems,” Journal of Asian Studies, XXVI, No. 3 (1967) 457463.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

46 See Hsin-ch'uan, Li, Chien-yen i-lai hsi-nien yao-lu (Annual Records of Important Events since the Chien-yen Era: 1127–1162. Kuan-ya ts'ung shu ed.) 22.12abGoogle Scholar. The other councils were abolished in 1129.