¹ This article is based largely upon the scholarly labors of contemporary Japanese, as acknowledged in the footnote citations. The author's appreciation extends also to the United States Educational Commission which enabled him to gather much material in Japan during 1955–56. He reserves for himself the responsibility for errors of fact or judgment.

² See Magoya, Katsuda^a, Ōkubo Toshimichi den [Biography of Ōkubo Toshimichi] (Tokyo, 1910), Vol. IGoogle Scholar, map of a section of Kagoshima, showing location of residences of its famous sons.

³ Kagoshima-ken, ^b, Kagoshima-ken shi [Kagoshima Prefectural History] (Kagoshima Pref., 1939–1943), I, 19–33Google Scholar; Keishin, Momozono^c, Kagoshima-ken no rekishi [The History of Kagoshima-ken] (Kagoshima, n.d.), pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

⁴ Satsuma as a fief of the Shimazu family dates from A.D. 1024. See Takekoshi, Yosoburo, The Economic Aspects of the History of the Civilization of Japan (London, 1929), I, 128.Google Scholar

⁵ Kagoshima-ken, , Kagoshima-ken nōji chōsa [Agricultural Survey of Kagoshima Prefecture] (Kagoshima, 1955), p. 4Google Scholar. Torao, Haraguchi^d, Sappan hōken shakai no kōzō ni kansuru hitotsu kōsatsu [A Study of the Construction of Feudal Society in Satsuma-han] (Kagoshima, n.d.), pp. 1–6.Google Scholar

⁶ Nōji chōsa, p. 4; Torao, Haraguchi, Sappan gōshi seikatsu no keizaiteki kiso [The Economic Foundation of the Livelihood of the Satsuma-han Gōshi] (Kyushu Keizaishi Kenkyū, n.d.), p. 207Google Scholar, gives the population breakdown for 1874:

Momozono, p. 11, gives a more conservative estimate: one samurai to three or four peasants in Kagoshima, one to more than ten for Japan as a whole.

⁷ Hall, John Whitney, “The Castle Town and Japan's Modern Urbanization,” FEQ, XV (11 1955), 37–56.Google Scholar

⁸ Kagoshima-shi, ^f, Sappan no bunka [The Culture of Satsuma-han] (Kagoshima, Kagoshima-shi Kyōiku Kai, 1935), pp. 57–58Google Scholar; Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 157–162Google Scholar. For a detailed study of the tojō system see Tokugorō, Nakamura^g, “Sappan tojō seido no kenkyū” [“A Study of the Outer-Castle System in Satsuma-han”], Rekishi chiri, L–LII (1927–1928)Google Scholar; cf. Yoshihiko, Hayashi^h, Satsuma han no tojō sei [The Outer-Castle System of Satsuma-han] (reprint by Kagoshima-ken Shiryō Kankō Kai, 1956).Google Scholar

⁹ Hall, , pp. 44–46Google Scholar; Masanorii, Kawakoshi, Minami Nihon bunka shi [Cultural History of Southern Japan] (Tokyo, Takada Zenji, 1950), pp. 208–229.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Among items which were especially forbidden from being shipped out of the fief without authorization were rice, oxen and horses, and money. In 1865 all horses and oxen were ordered to be registered with local officials. Guards at key areas were authorized to cut down with their swords suspected spies. Unauthorized travel by Satsuma samurai could result in loss of their warrior status. Peasants were discouraged even from attending festivals and shrines outside their own districts. Nakamura, L, 167–169, 264–270, 351–352. Kawakoshi, pp. 213, 244.

¹¹ Nakamura, L, 78, 165–166. Sappan no bunka, p. 58.Google Scholar

¹² Nakamura, , L, 177, 353–354Google Scholar; Sappan no bunka, pp. 59–60Google Scholar; Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 165.Google Scholar

¹³ Nakamura, , L, 353Google Scholar; Momozono, , p. 11.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Haraguchi, , Sappan gōshi, p. 212.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Nakamura, , L, 167–168, 356.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Nakamura, , L, 353.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Nakamura, , L, 78, 93.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 165–166Google Scholar. For a discussion on jitō see Takekoshi, , I, 164Google Scholar; Asakawa, , pp. 7, 31Google Scholar. Nakamura, , L, 353–354Google Scholar, states that in 1861 the daimyō of Satsuma ordered the jitō to reside in his administrative district. This was dictated by the preoccupation of the daimyō with the Restoration movement and the need to look after local affairs with an eye to military offense and defense. The jōio's place at Kagoshima was taken by his representative. See also Nakamura, , L, 80–81.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Nakamura, , L, 351–352Google Scholar. Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 164Google Scholar. If a gōshi left the command of the jitō and joined some other unit, no matter how meritorious his service in the field, he was considered guilty of disloyalty, and his land might be taken from him.

²⁰ Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 165Google Scholar. Satsuma han no bunka, p. 58.Google Scholar

²¹ Nakamura, , L, 80–81, 352–355Google Scholar; Asakawa, , p. 31Google Scholar; Haraguchi, , Sappan gōshi, p. 208Google Scholar; Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 166Google Scholar; Kawakoshi, , p. 215.Google Scholar

²² Haraguchi, , Sappan gōshi, pp. 208–209.Google Scholar

²³ Nakamura, , L, 166.Google Scholar

²⁴ Hironari, Oyama^u, “Bakumatsu Satsuma-han no ishin undō to sono haikei”Google Scholar (“The Restoration Movement of Satsuma-han and its Background at the End of the Bakufu Government”), Saitama daigaku kiyo, IV (Special No. 1955), 98. Oyama states that the salary land given to gōshi averaged a yield of twenty koku. However, Haraguchi's study indicates that the vast majority probably received less than one koku. See Haraguchi, , Satsuma gōshi, pp. 215–216.Google Scholar

²⁵ Nakamura, , L, 165.Google Scholar

²⁶ Haraguchi, , Satsuma gōshi, p. 212Google Scholar; Oyama, , pp. 98–99.Google Scholar

²⁷ Momozono, , pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

²⁸ Sappan no bunka, p. 60.Google Scholar

²⁹ Nakamura, , L, 356Google Scholar. Haraguchi, , Sappan goski, p. 208Google Scholar. Cf. Hall, John Whitney, “Materials for the Study of Local History in Japan: Pre-Meiji Records,” OP, III (1952), 2Google Scholar. The kōri was a larger administrative unit embracing several gō (Asakawa, pp. 19, 91). Saigō Takamori, for example, gained valuable experience as a minor official in the kōri. Yasaburo, Shimonaka^w, Dai Saigō seiden [A Veritable Biography of the Great Saigo] (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1939), I, 9–11, 63–65.Google Scholar

³⁰ Hall, , OP, III, 2–4Google Scholar, gives the example of Okayama. Nōji chōsa, pp. 3–4Google Scholar. Tetsuji, Kada^x, Gendai Nihon bummei shi [History of the Civilization of Modern Japan] (Tokyo, 1940), pp. 22–23.Google Scholar

³¹ Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 166Google Scholar; Momozono, , p. 12Google Scholar; Nōji chōsa, p. 5.Google Scholar

³² Kawakoshi, , pp. 208–209, 226–229Google Scholar. For a description of the plight of agriculturists in general, see Kada, , pp. 26–32.Google Scholar

³³ Kawakoshi, , pp. 214–215Google Scholar; Nōji chōsa, p. 6.Google Scholar

³⁴ Takekoshi, , III, 395–396Google Scholar; Sappan no bunka, p. 59Google Scholar. Kawakoshi states that the peasants' status in Satsuma-han was close to that of serfdom. Family groups could be bought or sold with the land, Kawakoshi, , p. 216.Google Scholar

³⁵ Kawakoshi, , pp. 214–215.Google Scholar

³⁶ Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 402Google Scholar; Haraguchi, , Sappan hōken shakai, p. 2.Google Scholar

³⁷ Haraguchi, , Sappan hōken shakai, p. 2.Google Scholar

³⁸ Kawakoshi, , p. 216Google Scholar. Haraguchi, , Sappan hōken shakai, p. 2.Google Scholar

³⁹ Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 336Google Scholar; Haraguchi, , Sappan hōken shakai, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Nakamura, , L, 264–267.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Haraguchi, , Sappan hōken shakai, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid., p. 2.

⁴³ Ibid., p. 2; Kawakoshi, , p. 230.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Kawasaki, , p. 233Google Scholar. Normally, peasants were forbidden to congregate, to go on pilgrim ages, or to attend festivals in other areas. Admonitions were issued against drinking and indulging in luxuries. Kawasaki, , p. 213.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Momozono, , pp. 12–15Google Scholar. For a detailed historical study see Keishin, Momozono^c, Sappan shūkyō seisaku no tokuisei [The Special Characteristics of Satsuma-han Religious Policy]Google Scholar (Kagoshima, reprint from Bummei hōkoku, No. 2, n.d.). Believers in the Ikkō sect could be punished by decapitation, confiscation of property, expunging the family name, or by fines. In 1867, due to the political crisis in Japan, Satsuma-han relaxed the measures, promising “forgiveness” to offenders if they gave up their faith and informed on others. Nakamura, , L, 174, 260.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Kawakoshi, , pp. 240–253Google Scholar; Nakamura, , L, 174.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Momozono, , p. 13Google Scholar. Cf. Hall, , OP, III, 8.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Nakamura, , L, 175–188.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Kawakoshi, , p. 249.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 140.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kagoshima-ken shi, II, 9–46Google Scholar. Sappan no bunka, pp. 60–61Google Scholar; Asakawa, , p. 126Google Scholar. For a brief discussion of the rise of the ashigaru see Takekoshi, , I, 317–318.Google Scholar

⁵² Sappan no bunka, pp. 61–62.Google Scholar

⁵³ Shimonaka, , p. 5Google Scholar; Katsuda, , I, 6–8.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Saigō, for example, established close relationships with Mito scholars such as Fujita Tōkō and Toda Tadao (Shimonaka, , pp. 53–56).Google Scholar