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Caste by Association: The Gauḍa Sārasvata Brāhmaṇa Unification Movement
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 March 2011
Abstract
The Sarnyukta Gauḍa Sārasvata Brāhmaṇa [GSB] Parisad was founded in 1910 A by members of several historically related subcastes in western India. The association represented an attempt by men experiencing the insecurities of urban middle class life to obtain the presumed benefits of caste for themselves and their families through reintegration within a single structurally unified caste. They experimented also with the idea of caste as a means to mobilize rural kin and caste fellows in the quest for modernity. Although efforts to structurally amalgamate the subcastes through intermarriage and related ritual acts proved fruitless, the members of the Parisad did stimulate development of educational and economic institutions which supported their middle class aspirations. The problems of recruitment and the content of Parisad proceedings reveal considerable social and economic disparities among the GSB. This illustrates the inaccuracies of characterizing castes by reference only to those members who hold elite positions in public affairs. The Parisad ultimately atrophied after 1917 although its related institutions have survived. Though the structural unity of caste was not obtained, a sense of GSB corporate identity did develop which ascribed to all members the achievement-oriented virtues of adaptivity and excellence.
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References
1 Research for this article was completed with the assistance of the University of Washington Far Eastern and Russian Institute, the American Institute of Indian Studies and the U. S. Office of Education. An earlier version was read at the Annual conference of the Association for Asian Studies, San Francisco, April, 1970.
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3 Cf. remarks by D. F. Pocock in Bouglé, op. cit., pp. x-xi; Ketkar, S. V., An Essay on Hinduism [Volume II of The History of Caste] (London, 1911), p. xxvi, notes that less than twenty copies of the work had been sold in India apart from a stock order by the government of Ketkar's patron, Maharaja Sayaji Rao of Baroda.Google Scholar
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6 Fox, R. G., “Resiliency and Change in the Indian Caste System,” Journal of Asian Studies 26 (1967), p. 575, makes a strong argument that some of the resiliency of caste arises from vagueness of anthropological definitions. It must be borne in mind that members of the castes themselves have been prepared to attempt explicit and implicit redefinitions of the institution.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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16 “Judgment of Tyabji J. in Vasudeo Gopal Bhandarkar and others vs. Shamrao Narayan Laud and others, 11 February 1898.”
17 M. G. Ranade to G. K. Gokhale, 24 July 1900 (National Archives of India, Gokhale papers, File 443, 443–37) I owe this reference to Richard Cash-man. On Bhau Daji, cf.The Maharaja Libel Case (Bombay, 1911) for this caste identification; Bhau Daji to Narayanrao Vasudeo Dabholkar, 28 October, 1871, in possession of Mr. L. S. Dabhokar, Bombay; Bhandakar, op. cit., p. 482.Google Scholar
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26 Śarma, Mangalūr, p. 50.
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28 The ready characterization of whole castes as “elite” or “non-elite” remains a problem in Indian social history that may stem from British official perceptions of India. Cohn, Cf. B. S., “Notes on the History of the Study of Indian Society and Culture,” in Singer, M. and Cohn, B. S., eds., Structure and Change in Indian Society (Chicago, 1968), pp. 15–18. I would suggest that this phenomenon may equally flow from nineteenth century experiments by educated Indians in the art of public opinion formation.Google Scholar
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31 Census of India, 1901, pp. 192–272, data for persons returned as Bardeshkar, Gaud, Kudal-deshkar, Saraswat/Shenvipaiki and Shenvi/GSB. The district total was 27,789. Comparable figures were not compiled in adjacent areas of GSB concentration, South Kanara district and Goa.
32 Ibid, pp. 548–9. Caste and occupational data numbers are proportionally adjusted figures. Within Sārasvata and Śenvī subcastes only 1.8% of the earners were in administrative service, 9.9% in learned and artistic professions and 67% in agriculture—primarily as landlords.
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35 “An Open letter” printed in Can-dāvar, Su. Ma., Sārasvata (Kumta, 1911), pp. 56–72. I wish to acknowledge the assistance of Śrī H. V. Nagaraja Rao in the translation of the Kannada sections of this work. Only two of the government servants were university graduates.Google Scholar
36 Ibid, pp. 51–52. They cited an instance of a Sarasvata who was posted in a distant district. His mother died and he had been unable to find any fellow subcastc members to assist in the funeral.
37 Bhandarkar, p. 482; Chandavarkar, N. G., Speeches and Writings (Bombay, 1911), pp. 112–13; 128–30. Other individuals with cosmopolitan elite tics did participate, e.g., Śā. Nā Dābhōlkar.Google Scholar
38 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency volumes abound with such characterizations. These phrases are from Crawford, A. T., Our Troubles in Poona and the Deccan (London, 1897), pp. 135–36.Google Scholar
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40 If comparisons to the Indian National Congress were not enough, one speaker pursued a most eclectic symbolism, first equating the Parisad to the just concluded Imperial Darbar at Delhi and then called it a gurū to the siśya of individuality. 3rd SGSBP Hakigat 1911 (Bombay, 1912). P. 13.Google Scholar
41 Following the Bclgaum session meetings were held in 1910 at Mhapse (Goa); 1911 at Sāvañtvadi; 1912 at Vasāi (Thana District); 1913 at Karwar; 1914 at Malvan (Ratnagiri District); 1916 at Indore and 1917 at Alibag (Kolaba District). Two later meetings were held in Bombay in 1935 and 1946.
42 Mahārystra Sārasvata 1 (October, 1917), p. 10. Analysis of delegate rosters reveals that between 20 to 35% of the delegates were residents of the place of venue not including non-fee-paying visitors and observers.
43 The above synthesizes resolutions and debates as reproduced in annual reports between 1910 and 1916.
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