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² Barclay, G. W., Colonial Development and Population in Taiwan (Princeton, 1954), Chap. 2Google Scholar; Ginsburg, N. S., Economic Resources and Development of Formosa (New York, 1953), Chaps. 1, 2Google Scholar; Johnston, Bruce F., “Agricultural Development and Economic Transformation: A Comparative Study of the Japanese Experience,” Food Research Institute Studies, III (11 1962), 252–259.Google Scholar

³ A similar gross production index is presented by Hsieh, S. C. and Lee, T. H., An Analytical Review of Agricultural Development in Taiwan—An Input-Output and Productivity Approach (Taipei, 1958)Google Scholar, Chaps. 2, 3. The authors used 76 commodities for their index for the period 1910 to 1956. Meat and livestock products were included but were omitted in our index. Both indices show the same rate of growth.

⁴ Johnston, Bruce F., “Agricultural Productivity and Economic Development in Japan,” Journal of Political Economy, LX (12 1951), 499.Google Scholar

⁵ See the remarks by the traveller and writer Yoshio, Imamura, Imamura Yoshio I Kōshu (The Post humous Collected Worlds of Imamura Yoshio) (Tainan, 1925), p. 195.Google Scholar

⁶ In 1910 tenants and landlords constituted 42.8 and 33.7 per cent of total agricultural population, with tenant-owner cultivators making up the remainder; in 1945 the shares were 39.4 and 30.0 per cent respectively. See Bank of Taiwan, Ehr-chu shih-tai T'ai-wan ching-chi shih (Economic History of Taiwan during the Period of Japanese Rule), I (Taipei: Bank of Taiwan Printing Office, 1958), 20.Google Scholar

⁷ Kamehiko, Iwaki, “Gyōshu to Denjin to no Kankei ni tsuite” (“The Relationship between Landlord and Tenant”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CXLIX (04 1919), 203.Google Scholar

⁸ Gyokō, Haku, “Beisaku Kairyō no Shōgai Kenkyū” (“A Study of Obstacles Preventing the Improvement of Rice Cultivation”), Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXVIII (05 1913), 422–423Google Scholar. The author is Taiwanese.

⁹ Ibid., p. 423.

¹⁰ The clearest and most precise statements of Japanese colonial agricultural policy can be found in the Taiwan Nōjihō, a remarkable primary document, published by the Taipei agricultural experimental station. For an official statement on using persuasive means, see Inazo, Nitobe, “Nōgyō Shidōsha no Kokoro e” (“How to Lead the Taiwanese Farmer”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CXIII (04 1916), 263Google Scholar; see also Kamehiko, Iwaki, pp. 205–206Google Scholar, who cites examples of Japanese landlords establishing agricultural schools, credit associations, agricultural associations, and assisting tenants. Iwaki believed Taiwan landlords should be persuaded to behave in similar fashion. However, there was another school of officials whose spokesman perhaps was Togō Minoru. The argument of this group was that strong police and administrative action was required to make sure that technological change took root at the village level (see footnote 29). Both groups agreed upon the importance of the landlord; it seems that only slight differences in viewpoint prevailed about how to use the landlord to administration advantage.

¹¹ The sweet potato was introduced to Taiwan from Fukien some time in the late 16th century. Its importance as a food crop is indicated by the local adage, “Taiwan's first harvest provides enough for all to eat for the entire year.” After 1895, sweet potatoes never became an important export but remained an important food supplement in the village. See Han-k'ung, Chen, “Hsiang-che in-chin T'ai-wan te t'an-t'ao” (“A Study of the Introduction of the Sweet Potato into Taiwan”), T'ai-wan Wen-hsien, XII (09 1961), 10–18.Google Scholar

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¹³ One estimate places cultivated area during Dutch rule of Taiwan at 10,000 hectares, at 18,000 hectares in 1680, and after Liu Ming-ch'uan's partial land survey, at 860,000 hectares. See Sheng-hsiang, Chen, “Economic Development and Geographical Changes in Taiwan,” Sonderdruck aus der Hermann Von Wissmann-Festschrift (Tubingen, 1962), p. 245.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Bank of Taiwan, Ch'ing-tai T'ai-wan ching-chi shih (An Economic History of Taiwan during the Ch'ing period) (Taipei, 1957), pp. 97–98.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The first British official to visit Taiwan stated: “The trade-commissioner assured me that the worth of the island was entirely eaten up by the rottenness of its administration, and that Taiwan, instead of being a valuable appanage to the crown, was a thorn in the side, and a drain on the purse of the provincial government (Fukien).” See Rev. Summers, James, ed., The Chinese and Japanese Repository, XIII (London, 1864), 162.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Kai, Rinji Taiwan Kyūkan Chōsa, Rinji Taiwan Kyūkan Chōsa Kai Dai Ichi Chōsa Hōkokushō (First Report of the First Division of the Provisonal Committee for the Investigation of Social Manners and Customs in Formosa), I (Kyoto, 1903), 144–170Google Scholar. This section is devoted to describing early Ch'ing land cultivation policy in Taiwan.

¹⁷ Ōkurasho, , ed., Metji Taisho Zaisei Shi (History of Meiji and Taisho Finance), XIX (Tokyo, 1958), 198.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid., p. 198.

¹⁹ Ibid., p. 217.

²⁰ Ibid., p. 230.

²¹ Ibid., p. 230.

²² Bank of Taiwan, Taiwan Ginkō ni Ju-nen Shi (A Twenty Year History of the Bank, of Taiwan) (Tokyo, 1919), p. 104.Google Scholar

²³ Ōkurasho, p. 236.Google Scholar

²⁴ Shimpatsu, Hayashi, ed., Taiwan Hattatsu Shi (A History of Taiwan's Development) (Taipei, 1936)Google Scholar, Section on Industry, p. 50.

²⁵ Iide Kiwata (translated from the Japanese into Chinese by Kuo Hui), Ehr-chu hsia chih t'ai-cheng (Administration of Taiwan under Japanese Rule), II (Taipei: Taiwan sheng wen-hsien wei-yuan hui, 1956), 554–555Google Scholar. In 1908–1909 the number of districts (chō) was reduced to twelve. Shortly afterwards nōkai were established in all twelve chō. For a table listing early administrative reforms, see Ching-chia, Huan, “Ehr-chu hsia T'ai-wan chih chih-min ti fa-chih hsing chih-min t'ung-chih” (“Colonial Legal System and Control of Taiwan during the Period of Japanese Occupation”), T'ai-wan Wen-hsien, X (03 1959), 132.Google Scholar

²⁶ Akira, Murakoso, “Chõ Nōkai no Shimei” (“The Mission of District Agricultural Societies”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CXLII (09 1918), 641.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid., p. 641.

²⁸ Keitarō, Odashiro, “Hontō Nōmin no Shidō” (“Leadership of Taiwan's Farmers”), Taiwan Nōjihō, 74 (01 1913)Google Scholar, I. For other studies of the role of nōkai role, see Akira, Murakoso, pp. 637–645Google Scholar, Kentarō, Imaoka, “Ryōtaiho ni okeru Hontō Ishutsumai no Sūsei” (“Progress of Rice Exports from Taiwan to Japan during the Past Seventeen Years and Present Conditions”), Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXV (02 1913), 9Google Scholar. Imaoka naturally concedes the importance of new rice seeds as a causal factor increasing the Island's rice exports, but he considers the role played by officials who worked through district nōkai of equal importance; and Office of Chief of Naval Operations, Civil Affairs Handbook for Taiwan (Navy Dept., 1944).Google Scholar

²⁹ Minoru, Togō, “Nōji Kairyō Sōgō no Sōsetsu ni tsuite” (“The Creation of Organizations for Improving Agriculture”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CLII (07 1919), 396.Google Scholar

³⁰ Hayashi Shimpatsu, Sect, on Industry, pp. 47–50. December 20, 1901, Nōjishiken Jō, or agricultural experimental stations, were established in Taichung and Tainan. Later, stations were created in other districts. In 1908, expenditures out of ordinary account for these stations totaled 72,018 yen, or .4 per cent of ordinary expenditures. Expenditures gradually increased until in 1920 they were 570,173 yen, but still only .9 per cent of ordinary expenditures. See Ōkurasho, , pp. 933, 943.Google Scholar

³¹ For tobacco growing on experimental farms in the I-lan agricultural association, see Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXVI (03 1913), 49–51Google Scholar; for managing an experimental farm, see Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXVIII (05 1913), 417–420Google Scholar; for improvement of rice cultivation in the Taichung Nōkai, see Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXXI (08 1913), 745–747Google Scholar; for crop experimentation in district nōkai see Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXXIX (06 1918), 416–418.Google Scholar

³² For progress on stock farm at Heng-chun, see Taiwan Nōjihō, CXVIII (09 1916), 715–731Google Scholar; for promoting cattle breeding in Taipei, see Taiwan Nōjihō, CXXII (01 1917), 18–24.Google Scholar

³³ Shinichirō, Suzuki, “Taiwan Saikin Kakushū Nōkai Hiryō Kyōdō Kōbai Jigyō ni tsuite” (“The Activities of Agricultural Society Joint Purchase Fertilizer Cooperatives in Various Rural Districts of Taiwan”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CLXXV (06 1921), 240–251.Google Scholar

³⁴ For a report of one annual meeting, see Taiwan Nōjihō, CXLII (09 1918), 646–695.Google Scholar

³⁵ Minoru, Togō, p. 397.Google Scholar

³⁶ Hideo, Tanaka, “Jinushi Kai o Soshiki seyo” (“Promote Landlord Associations in Taiwan”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CXX (11 1916), 852Google Scholar; Akira, Murakoso, “Shōrai ni okeru Jinushi Kai no Jigyo” (“Activities of Landlord Associations in the Future”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CLVII (12 1919), 709Google Scholar; for more recent evidence on the role landlords played in the villages even outside of these associations, see Gallin, Bernard, “Social Effects of Land Reform in Taiwan,” Human Organization, XXII (1963), 111Google Scholar. According to Mr. Gallin, “Leadership roles were reinforced by the Japanese who preferred to handle village problems through the wealthy landlord class rather than to deal directly with the peasants.”

³⁷ This factor has been stressed in an earlier study by Han-yu, Chang and Myers, Ramon H., “Japanese Colonial Development Policy in Taiwan, 1895–1906,” Journal of Asian Studies, XXII (08 1963), 440.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Ibid., p. 146.

⁴² Hsieh & Lee, p. 531.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Hachihirō, Matsuda, “Hontō Beisaku wa Keizai teki Shihi ni yori Shōshū Hyakuman Koku o Zōsan su” (“Increasing Taiwan's Rice Production by Several Million Koku by Means of Green Manure Crops”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CXXIX (08 1917), 616–628.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Sheng, Hsien, p. 41Google Scholar; also Jō, Nagasaki, “Taiwan ni okeru Tan-i Menseki Sanbei Zōshoku Ron” (“In creasing the Rice Crop per Unit Area in Taiwan”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CLXX (01 1921), 3Google Scholar. Nagasaki gives evidence to show that between 1908–1912 the average yield per chia was 18.57 koku and that between 1913–1917 it rose slightly to 19.89 koku per chia, an increase of 7 per cent. The chia is an old Taiwanese land unit measure equivalent to approximately 970 hectares.

⁴⁹ Sheng, Hsien, p. 43.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 47.

⁵⁵ Jō, Nagasaki, “Momi Jinkō Kansōku Shiyō ni kansuru” (“Paddy Drying Machinery and Some of Its Uses”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CLXXIX (10 1921), 538–546.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Jirō, Miyagawa, Taiwan Tōgyō no Hihan (Comments on the Sugar Industry of Taiwan) (Tokyo, Tōgyō Kenkyūkai, 1913), pp. 74–75.Google Scholar

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⁶² Gyō, Hemmi, “Taiwan Beibu Kansho Saku ni tai suru Iken” (“On the Cultivation of Sugar Cane in Northern Taiwan”), Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXIX (06 1913), 506.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Ibid., pp. 511–512.

⁶⁵ Shōtarō, Kaneko, “Kansho Yūryōshū ni tsuite” (“Improved Sugar Cane Seeds”), Taiwan Nōjihō, LXXXIV (11 1913), 1004Google Scholar; Kōkyō, Mamuro, “Taiwan Santō Kaku no Shōrai” (“The Future of Taiwan's Sugar Industry”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CXXII (01 1917), 4.Google Scholar

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⁶⁹ Jirō, Miyagawa, pp. 94–95.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Shigesaburō, Furusawa, “Kansho to Karishitsu Hiryō (“Potash and Sugar Cane Cultivation”), Taiwan Nōjihō, CXXXV (02 1918), 104–105.Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ Ibid., p. 26.

⁷⁷ Ibid., p. 31. See also Rada, E. L. and Lee, T. H., Irrigation Investment in Taiwan (Taipei, 1963), pp. 33–45Google Scholar; they show large increases in rice yields 1922–1938, resulting from new irrigation.