¹ See Sombart, Werner, Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (New York: International Arts & Science Press, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² See in particular Hartz, Louis, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955)Google Scholar.

³ See, for example, Wilentz, Sean, “Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790–1920,” International Labor and Working Class History, 26 (Fall 1984), 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Foner, Eric, “Why Is There No Socialism in the United States?”, in Heffer, Jean and Rovet, Jeanine, eds., Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (Paris: Press of the Ecole des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1988)Google Scholar; Davis, Mike, Prisoners of the American Dream (Cambridge, MA: Verso Books, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁴ See especially Gerstle, Gary, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914–1960 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Barrett, James R., “Americanization from the Bottom Up: Immigration and the Remaking of the Working Class in the United States, 1880–1930,” Journal of American History, 79, 3 (Dec. 1992), 996–1020CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barrett, James R. and Roediger, David, “Inbetween Peoples: Race, Nationality and the ‘New Immigrant’ Working Class,” Journal of American Ethnic History, 16, 3 (Spring 1997), 3–45Google Scholar.

⁵ Abu-Lughod, Janet L., New York, Chicago, Los Angeles: America's Global Cities (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 119Google Scholar.

⁶ Lindsey, Almont, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Great Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1942), 19–20Google Scholar; Smith, Carl, Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb and the Model Town of Pullman (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

⁷ Author unknown, The Story of Pullman (Chicago: Blakely & Rogers, 1893), downloaded from www.archive.org/stream/storyofpullman00worl#page/n0/mode/2up, Dec. 2010. The likely author is Pullman's town manager, Duane Doty.

⁸ However, historians have questioned whether the wide carriage of Pullman's “Pioneer” could really have fit along the Springfield line, with its small stations and narrow bridges. See Papke, David Ray, The Pullman Case: The Clash of Labor and Capital in Industrial America (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999), 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Ibid., 35; Smith, 189.

¹⁰ Smith, 180–200.

¹¹ Addams, Jane, Twenty Years at Hull House (London: Penguin Books, 1998), 142Google Scholar; Addams, “A Modern Lear,” Survey, 29, 5 (2 Nov. 1912), 131–37.

¹² Smith, 4.

¹³ Ely, Richard T., “Pullman: A Social Study,” Harper's New Monthly Magazine (Feb. 1885), 465Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Wright study cited in Smith, 191. Congress established a Bureau of Labor with Wright at its head in 1884 and in 1886; Cleveland asked Congress to “engraft” onto the Bureau of Labor a commission to prevent major strikes. After the Pullman strike, US commissioner of labor Carroll D. Wright headed a commission that reported on the dispute. One of the commission's recommendations provided the basis for the Erdman Act of 1898, under which the commissioner of labor and the chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission mediated railroad strikes.

¹⁵ The New England Wireless and Steam Engine website carries a photograph of the engine in situ at Pullman; see www.newsm.org/steam-engines/corliss-centenial.html, downloaded Dec. 2010.

¹⁶ Howells, William Dean, “A Sennight of the Centennial,” Atlantic Monthly, 38 (July 1876), 103Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Smith, 181–4.

¹⁸ The Story of Pullman; Rondinone, Troy, “Guarding the Switch: Cultivating Nationalism during the Pullman Strike,” Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, 8, 1 (Jan. 2009), 83–109, 92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Adams, Henry, The Education of Henry Adams (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 287Google Scholar.

²⁰ Ibid., 285.

²¹ Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Significance of the Frontier in American History,” (July 1893), downloaded from http://xroads.virginia.edu/∼HYPER/TURNER, Dec. 2010.

²² The GMA, founded in 1886, had become a powerful force by 1892. In 1894 it comprised 24 lines covering 41,000 miles of railroad, 818 million dollars in stock and an aggregate of 221,000 workers. See Lindsey, The Pullman Strike, 114; and Stromquist, Shelton, Reinventing “The People”: The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origin of Modern Liberalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006), 25–26Google Scholar.

²³ That is, the strikers were portrayed as enemies of the federal government, which represented the “people,” rather than of the railroads who represented private interests.

²⁴ Rondinone, 86.

²⁵ Ibid. Rondinone suggests that Pullman had been massively unpopular before the strike but the evidence does not support such an interpretation. Indeed, Rondinone himself cites Carl Smith's note that contemporary observers in the 1880s claimed even more for the Pullman idea than Pullman did himself. See Smith, 184; Rondinone, “Guarding the Switch,” 92 n. 26.

²⁶ Carwardine, William H., The Pullman Strike (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr Pub. Co., 1994), 45Google Scholar.

²⁷ Ibid., 45.

²⁸ Ibid., 122–25, original emphasis.

²⁹ Lindsey, 142, 207; Spinney, Robert G., City of Big Shoulders: A History of Chicago (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2000), 113Google Scholar.

³⁰ But federal power could not be seen to be one-sided; Cleveland reasserted the impartiality of the central government only weeks after US troops crushed the strike by instituting a national Labor Day holiday to celebrate and honor American workers.

³¹ Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House, 143–44; for the details of Addams's exaggerations see Brown, Victoria, “Advocate for Democracy: Jane Addams and the Pullman Strike,” in Schneirov, Richard et al. , eds., The Pullman Strike and the Crisis of the 1890s: Essays on Labor and Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 130–58, 137Google Scholar.

³² Jane Addams, “A Modern Lear,” 131–37.

³³ Carwardine.

³⁴ Ibid., 118.

³⁵ John Dewey to Jane Addams, 19 June 1896, in Jane Addams Memorial Collection, University Library, University of Illinois at Chicago.

³⁶ John Dewey to Alice Chapman Dewey, 11 Oct. 1894, John Dewey Papers; see Feffer, Andrew, The Chicago Pragmatists and American Progressivism (London: Cornell University Press, 1993), 113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁷ Menand, Louis, The Metaphysical Club (London: HarperCollins), 297–99Google Scholar.

³⁸ John Dewey to Jane Addams, 27 Jan. 1892, Jane Addams Memorial Papers, Special Collections, Richard J. Daley Library, University of Illinois at Chicago.

³⁹ Pullman, George M., The Strike at Pullman: Statements before the U. S. Strike Commission (LSE Selected Pamphlets (online resource), 1894)Google Scholar; Addams's role as would-be arbitrator is outlined in Brown; see also Stromquist, Reinventing “The People”, 25–29. David Ray Papke discusses Pullman's understanding of contract law and the free-willed citizen's relation to it; see Papke, The Pullman Case, 15.

⁴⁰ Stead, William T., If Christ Came to Chicago: A Plea for the Union of All Who Love in the Service of All Who Suffer (Chicago: Laird & Lee Publishers, 1894)Google Scholar. Jane Addams recounts Stead's charges against Chicago, the work he carried out at Hull House, and his attempt to galvanize the reform community in Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House, 108–9. Stead's charge that Pullman failed to give back to the Chicago community continued to influence historical accounts for some time. In 1942 Almont Lindsey repeated Stead's charge that Pullman held aloof from civic activity, despite the fact that Pullman was treasurer of the Relief and Aid Society, president of YMCA, vice president of the Law and Order League, backer of the Haymarket verdict, founding member of the Commercial Club, and one of the business leaders most responsible for winning Chicago's right to host the World's Fair in 1893, as well as donating the statue commemorating the Fort Dearborn massacre to the city that year. See Lindsey, The Pullman Strike, 31; Smith, Urban Disorder, 179.

⁴¹ Stead, 92–3. Another Progressive commentator, Thomas Burke Grant, published an article in 1894 arguing in a similar vein. Grant compared Pullman unfavorably to Sir Titus Salt's company town Saltaire, largely because of George Pullman's vulgar financial motivation: “After draining the land and laying off the town, Mr. Pullman, unlike Sir Titus Salt, wanted first of all to make money. He wanted also, to take credit to himself for bringing out, so to speak, an American edition of the English experiment, particularly as most of the money in the Pullman Palace Car Company came from English shareholders.” Thomas Burke Grant, “Pullman and Its Lessons,” American Journal of Politics, 5, 2 (Aug. 1894), 190–204.

⁴² Pullman vice president Thomas Wickes quoted in Smith, 194; Addams, “A Modern Lear.”

⁴³ Addams, “A Modern Lear.”

⁴⁴ There is an immense critical literature on Progressivism beginning in 1955 with Richard Hofstadter's Age of Reform. One of the more sophisticated studies of the antidemocratic character of urban Progressive reform is Boyer, Paul, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Morone, James, The Democratic Wish: Popular Participation and the Limits of American Government (New Haven: Yale University Press, rev. ed. 1998)Google Scholar, engages the Progressives' desire for (and failure to achieve) a meaningful participatory democracy.

⁴⁶ Higham, John, “The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s,” in Higham, , Hanging Together: Unity and Diversity in American Culture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 173–98, 175CrossRefGoogle Scholar, discusses the cult of youth and vitality among Progressives.

⁴⁷ Addams, Jane, Democracy and Social Ethics (Middlesex: The Echo Library, 2006), 5, added emphasisGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 46–7.

⁴⁹ Addams, Jane, “The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements,” in Addams, , Philanthropy and Social Progress (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell & Co., 1893), 1–26, 22Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ “Children Raise Cheers for Maypole,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 6 May 1894, 2. Addams oversaw slum clearance of the block that the playground was built on, evicting tenants and demolishing their substandard homes. See her own description of this process in Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House, 190–91.

⁵¹ Anderson, Linnea M., “The Playground of Today Is the Republic of Tomorrow: Social Reform and Organized Recreation in the USA, 1890–1930s,” Encyclopedia of Informal Education (2006)Google Scholar, downloaded from www.infed.org/playwork/organized_recreation_and_playwork_1890–1930s.htm; Boyer, 242–43; Park, Roberta J., “‘Boys Clubs Are Better than Policeman's Clubs’: endeavors by Philanthropists, Social Reformers and Others to Prevent Juvenile Crime, the Late 1800s to 1917,” International Journal of the History of Sport, 24, 6 (2007), 749–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Addams, Jane, “Public Recreation and Social Morality,” Charities and the Commons, 18 (3 Aug. 1907), 492–94Google Scholar. For a somewhat overstated treatment of the playground movement as social reform see Cavallo, Dominic, Muscles and Morals: Organized Playgrounds and Urban Reform, 1880–1920 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁵² Hanmer, Lee F., “Health and Playgrounds,” in Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction (1910), 155–156Google Scholar.

⁵³ J. A. Lindstrom offers the penetrating insight that “the struggle over recreation and recreational facilities was not only a cultural fight or a ‘social opportunity’ but also a political one.” See her “‘Almost Worse than the Restrictive Measures’: Chicago Reformers and the Nickelodeons,” Cinema Journal, 39, 1 (1999), 90–112, 90.

⁵⁴ Ibid., 8.

⁵⁵ Anderson, 8, 4.

⁵⁶ Jane Addams, “Public Recreation and Social Morality,” 492.

⁵⁷ John Higham, “The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s,” 175.

⁵⁸ Addams, Spirit of Youth, 2.

⁵⁹ Ibid., 8.

⁶⁰ Addams, Spirit of Youth, 17.

⁶¹ Park, 764, notes that approximately 12 per cent of the 50 million dollars invested by US municipalities in parks and playgrounds between 1898 and 1908 was expended in the six months immediately following the 1907 Chicago Play Congress.

⁶² Director of parks and playgrounds quoted in Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 250.

⁶³ Victoria Brown, “Advocate for Democracy,” 136.