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Ethnicity in Contemporary America

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2009

Extract

It is just under a decade since the historian Theodore Hershberg, a close student of American minority groups and a founder of the then new Journal of Ethnic Studies, announced the demise of the “Age of Aquarius,” pronouncing at the same time its displacement by the “Age of Ethnicity.” In so proclaiming he also, figuratively at least, announced the passing of one of the oldest of American ideals: the notion of the “Melting Pot,” that social process by which the ethnic elements of American society would all be boiled down into a national cultural amalgam by way of their “Americanization.” In announcing the advent of the Age of Ethnicity, Hershberg gave tacit recognition to the fact that the melting pot model of ethnic group accommodation to American culture had now been pre-empted, officially and normatively, by the notion of “cultural pluralism.” There was no further need for amalgamation at all: each group was now to proceed to celebrate its origins, its distinct culture, and its fellowship in any way it pleased, as one of its fundamental American “rights.”

On reflection, it may seem that in some respects the timing of the Hershberg prophesy is odd, even perverse. Many specialists were even then about the business of eliminating ethnicity altogether as a major factor in American culture, pronouncing the vestigial ethnic elements in US society virtually “assimilated.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1981

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References

James H. Dormon is Professor of History and American Studies at the University of Southwestern Louisiana, Lafayette, Louisiana 70504. During 1980–81 he was Fulbright-Hays Professor in Comparative American Studies at the University of Warwick.

1 Hershberg, Theodore, “Toward the Historical Study of Ethnicity,” The Journal of Ethnic Studies, 1 (Summer, 1973), 1Google Scholar.

2 Dinnerstein, Leonard and Reimers, David M., Ethnic Americans: A History of Immigration and Assimilation (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), p. 156Google Scholar.

3 The dominant American modal culture was, in addition to W.A.S.P. in origin, several other things as well. The core culture is based in a value system that was 1. essentially western liberal-bourgeois, 2. committed to the Protestant “work ethic” and the will to material achievement, 3. committed also to the Lockean synthesis which proclaimed the inter-relationship of “liberty” and property and thus the sanctity of contract: the summum bonum of the value system and the sole sanction for the governing of men. Three other related items complete the value-aggregate: 1. a commitment to “progress” within the liberal-bourgeois framework, 2. ethnocentrism, and 3. what we would now call “racism.” For purposes of convenience, I shall use a sort of short-hand term to encompass all of these features, the term “Anglo-Bourgeois.”

4 The figures are taken from Olson, James Stuart, The Ethnic Dimension in American History (New York: St Martin's Press, 1979), pp. 434–35Google Scholar.

5 Dormon, James H., “Ethnic Groups and ‘Ethnicity’: Some Theoretical Considerations, The Journal of Ethnic Studies, 7 (Summer, 1980), 23Google Scholar.

6 Olson, , Ethnic Dimension, p. 436Google Scholar.

7 Ibid., p. 435.

8 See, for example, Fishman, Joshua A., “Ethnic Community Mother Tongue Schools in the U.S.A.: Dynamics and Distribution,” International Migration Review, 14 (Summer, 1980), 235–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Fishman writes (p. 243): “Attending an ethnic mother tongue school may well be an almost obligatory second generation ethnic experience in the United States…” He admits, however, that gaining facility in the ethnic language is exceptional.

9 Richard Polenberg has so argued recently. See his One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States Since 1938 (New York: The Viking Press, 1980), pp. 251–92Google Scholar.

10 Bohannan, Paul J., “Our Two-Story Culture,” Saturday Review Science, 55 (2 09 1972), 3941Google Scholar.

11 Olson, , Ethnic Dimension, p. 439Google Scholar. On the matter of “out-of-awareness” ethnic culture, Olson writes, “beneath conscious ethnicity lies the uncharted world of the unconscious; people who do not think about their roots may still exhibit behavior and values consistent with their ethnic background” (pp. 437–38).

12 Stein, Howard F. and Hill, Robert F., The Ethnic Imperative (Philadelphia: Penn State University Press, 1977), p. 195Google Scholar. The background of the New Pluralism (with its pronouncedly neo-ethnic coloration) is complex but noteworthy. It appears that the prime mover was the American Jewish Committee, working through its “National Project on Ethnic America,” in association with the Roman Catholic “Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs.” Msgr. Geno Baroni was influential in both organizations. These groups were joined by the National Opinion Research Center of the University of Chicago and the Center for the Study of American Pluralism, both powerfully under the influence of Fr. Andrew Greeley, whose journal Ethnicity was launched in 1974. Baroni and Greeley were thus at the center of a convoluted infrastructure that powerfully influenced the federal government shift toward pluralism. For more detail on all this, see Mann, Arthur, The One and the Many: Reflections on the American Identity (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1979), pp. 2234Google Scholar.

13 Sanders, Ronald, Review of Thernstrom et al., The Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, in The New Republic, 183 (6 12 1980), 30Google Scholar.

14 See “Battle over Bilingualism,” Time, 116 (8 09 1980), 5455Google Scholar.

15 See London Daily Telegraph, 4 February 1981.

16 U.S. State Department estimates, fiscal 1979–1980, cited in Newsweek, 96 (7 07 1980), 29Google Scholar. See also International Herald Tribune, 26 March 1981.

17 See Fenyvesi, Charles, “Immigrant Anxiety,” The New Republic, 182 (14 06 1980), 18Google Scholar.

18 International Herald Tribune, 29 April 1981; 8 June 1981. According to the latter account, the legal proceedings against the Haitians included “processing 35 cases a day in locked courtrooms from which private attorneys have been barred.” Justice Department officials claim that this procedure will be abandoned, though they expect that 6000 Haitians will likely be expelled in the immediate future.

19 Interview, The Reverend Theodore Hesburgh, in U.S. News and World Report, 89 (13 10 1980), 6364Google Scholar. See also Adler, Jerry et al. , “The New Immigrants,” Newsweek, 96 (7 07 1980), 2631Google Scholar; International Herald Tribune, 28 February–1 March 1981.

20 Barbara, Santa, California, News Press, 19 06 1977Google Scholar.

21 Hesburgh Interview, p. 63.

22 See “Louisiana Vietnam Fallout,” Newsweek, 94 (11 09 1978), 36Google Scholar; Adler et al., “New Immigrants,” 27. A more recent development on this story involves the appearance of the Ku Klux Klan in an effort to intimidate the Vietnamese fishermen of Seabrook, Texas, and a suit brought by an organization called “Klanwatch” in an effort to enjoin the Klan against further such intimidation. See “Shrimp Wars Pit Texans and Klan Against Vietnamese,” International Herald Tribune, 28 April 1981.

23 On the Cuban “Freedom Flotilla,” see, e.g., Time, 115 (19 05 1980), 3034Google Scholar; A Half-Opened Door,” The New Republic, 182 (24 05 1980), 56Google Scholar; London Sunday Times, 18 May 1980; U.S. News and World Report, 89 (7 07 1980), 3337Google Scholar.

24 London Sunday Times, 18 May 1980. It should be noted that the emergence of the Klan has historically signalled a broader American nativist revival.

25 Time, 115 (19 05 1980), 31Google Scholar.

26 Quoted in Williams, Dennis A. et al. , “Cuban Hi-jackers – and Those Who Stay,” Newsweek, 96 (1 09 1980), 33Google Scholar.

27 Time, 115 (16 06 1980), 4Google Scholar.

28 TRB,” “More Huddled Masses,” The New Republic, 182 (24 05 1980), 2Google Scholar.

29 As reported in U.S. News and World Report, 89 (13 10 1980), 60Google Scholar.

30 Ibid., p. 63. The enormous cost of resettlement programs (recently calculated to be over 532 million dollars) has heightened public resentment. See International Herald Tribune, 7 February 1981. A bill currently before Congress would limit total immigration to 350,000 per annum while doubling the size of the border patrol. International Herald Tribune, 26 March 1981.

31 Ibid., 7 July 1980.

32 See in this connection Wilson, William J., The Declining Significance of Race (Chicago: U. of Chicago Press, 1978)Google Scholar, passim.

33 See Portes, Alejandro and Bach, Robert L., “Immigrant Earnings: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United States,” International Migration Review, 14 (Fall, 1980), 315–41CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. The authors point out (p. 335) that 10 per cent of all businesses in Miami, including some “relatively large ones,” are controlled by Cuban-Americans. Such “economic enclaves” can and do “attenuate some of the sharp differences in the open labor market.”

34 Glazer, Nathan and Moynihan, Daniel P., Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1963), p. 299Google Scholar.