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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2009
After the firm establishment of the English Atlantic colonies, and before the emergence of ‘the American identity’, these provinces participated with the metropolis in a political and economic ‘empire’. If ‘empire’ might be challenged as conveying too much political or economic meaning, it might also be challenged as conveying too little social meaning. Was the English Atlantic at the opening of the eighteenth century a civilization, a culture, a society, or a community? Though these terms are maddeningly ill-defined and somewhat interchangeable, they are suggested here as a scale of increasing social cohesiveness, from a relationship that is primarily inherited and parallel (civilization, culture) to a connexion that is primarily based upon the sharing of current ideas, institutions and interests (society, community). One essential pre-requisite for such sharing is a network of communications judged adequate by the people using it.
1 See definitions in A Dictionary of the Social Sciences, ed. Gould, Julius and Kolb, William L. (New York, 1964)Google Scholar; Deutsch, Karl W., Nationalism and Social Communication, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), ch. 4Google Scholar; Hillery, George A., ‘Definitions of Community: Areas of Agreement’, Rural Sociology, 20 (1955), 111–23.Google Scholar
2 Edmund Dummer's West India packets averaged 35 days from English West Country ports to Barbados on 42 recorded crossings between 1702 and 1711 – in all seasons. This means an average of over 120 miles a day. The fastest overnight coach service in England 41 years later, the Birmingham to London one, made a record speed of 55.5 miles a day on the two-day trip. See Johnson's England, ed. Turberville, A. S., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1933), vol. 1, p. 140Google Scholar. The London-Gloucester coach made that 82 miles in a day. Ashton, J., Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1883), p. 374.Google Scholar
3 Dickerson, O. M., American Colonial Government, 1696–1765 (Cleveland, 1912), p. 360Google Scholar. See, for example, Labaree, L. W., Royal Government in America (New Haven, 1930), p. 436Google Scholar; Andrews, C. M., The Colonial Period of American History, vol. 4, England's Commercial and Colonial Policy (New Haven, 1938), p. 421.Google Scholar
4 The Atlantic Civilization: Eighteenth Century Origins (Ithaca, N.Y., 1949), p. 25Google Scholar; see also Wright, Louis B., The Cultural Life of the American Colonies, 1607–1763 (New York, 1957). p. 238.Google Scholar
5 In addition to the many studies concentrating on the immediate preliminaries to the American Revolution, British imperial politics of earlier generations has been studied by Katz, S. N., Newcastle's New York (Cambridge, Mass., 1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hall, M. G., Edward Randolph and the American Colonies, 1676–1703 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1960)Google Scholar; Kammen, Michael, Empire and Interest (Boston, 1970)Google Scholar, and ‘The American Colonies and the “Seasons of Business” in Eighteenth-Century Britain’, Anciens Pays et Assembliés D'Etats, 53 (Louvain, 1970), 243–59Google Scholar, and a number of others. A good introduction to the work being done is Anglo-American Political Relations, 1675–1775 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1970), ed. Olson, A. G. and Brown, Richard M..Google Scholar
6 Bruchey, Stuart's ‘Success and Failure Factors: American Merchants in Foreign Trade in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries’, Business History Review, 32 (1958), 272–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Mackesy, Piers, The War for America, 1775–1783 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), esp. pp. 73, 216, 224Google Scholar, are noteworthy exceptions.
7 Fraser, J. (ed.), The Voices of Time (New York, 1966)Google Scholar, provides a substantial introduction to research in a number of fields. The range of approaches can be sampled from: Toulmin, S. and Goodfield, J., The Discovery of Time (London, 1965)Google Scholar; Gale, R. M., The Philosophy of Time (New York, 1967)Google Scholar; Reichenbach, Hans, The Philosophy of Space and Time (New York, 1958)Google Scholar; Fraisse, Paul, The Psychology of Time (New York, 1963)Google Scholar; Doob, Leonard W., Patterning of Time (New Haven, 1971)Google Scholar; Nilsson, M. P., Primitive Time Reckoning, 2nd ed. (Lund, 1960)Google Scholar; Meyerhoff, Hans, Time in Literature (Berkeley, 1955)Google Scholar; and Priestley, J. B., Man and Time (New York, 1964).Google Scholar
8 Historians interested in the theoretical problems include: Rotenstreich, Nathan, Between Past and Present: An Essay on History (New Haven, 1958)Google Scholar; Von Leyden, W., ‘History and the Concept of Relative Time’, History and Theory, 2 (1963), 263–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stalnaker, Robert C., ‘Events, Periods, and Institutions in Historians' Language’, History and Theory, 6 (1967), 159–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Berkhofer, Robert F. Jr., A Behavioral Approach to Historical Analysis (New York, 1969), chs. 10 and 11Google Scholar. Jakle, John A.'s ‘Time, Space, and the Geographic Past: A Prospectus for Historical Geography’, American Historical Review, 76 (1971), 1084–1103CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reviews some of the questions within a broader framework. Harold A. Innis showed a very serious interest in social time and communications, most specifically in Empire and Communications (Oxford, 1950)Google Scholar and The Bias of Communication (Toronto, 1964)Google Scholar. Cole, Arthur H.'s ‘The Tempo of Mercantile Life in Colonial America’, Business History Review, 33 (1959), 277–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar, is an interesting and useful struggle with the problem of time, but one that is not freed from using the present as a norm. Recent work on the evolution of modern Western time conceptions and their spread include: Cipolla, Carlo M., Clocks and Culture, 1300–1700 (London, 1967)Google Scholar; Le Goff, J., ‘Au Moyen Age: Temps de L'Eglise et temps du marchand’, Annales Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, 15 (1960), 417–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and his ‘ Le temps du travail dans le “crise” du XIVe siècle: du temps médiéval au temps moderne’, Le Moyen Age, 69 (1963), 597–613Google Scholar; and Thompson, E. P., ‘Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism’, Past and Present, no. 38 (Dec. 1967), pp. 56–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
9 Friends House Library, London Swarthmoor MSS, vol. 6, p. 76.
10 Life and Correspondence of William and Alice Ellis, ed. Backhouse, James (London, 1849), pp. 50–1.Google Scholar
11 These were often very emotional, like the assurance given Maryland Friends in 1710, ‘We tenderly salute you in yt love that many Waters cannot Quench nor distance of Place separate us from …’ Friends House Library, London, Epistles Sent, vol. 2, p. 147. See also same to Antigua, 14th 11 month 1705, Ibid., p. 21. See Tolles, Frederick B., Quakers and the Atlantic Culture (New York, 1960), especially chs. 1 and 2.Google Scholar
12 Friends House Library, Epistles Sent, vol. 2, pp. 204–5.
13 Lords Justices to Rooke, 12 August 1701, Calendar of Slate Papers, Domestic Series, 1700–02, pp. 407–8Google Scholar, hereafter cited as SPD 1700–02.
14 See Maryland Council minutes for 28 May 1702, PRO (Public Record Office, London), CO 5/744, p. 28.
15 Lord Bellomont had been particularly sensitive about communications and revealed something of this problem in a letter to Secretary of State Vernon on 9 July 1700: ‘There came hither two ships from London, the last week in May, which brought me not a letter from any of the ministers, and another ship four days ago, but not a letter by that neither. What must the people here [Boston] and in New York think, but that either the King and his ministers have no sort of care or value for these plantations, … or else that I am in disgrace with the King, and that all this neglect proceeds from a personal slight to me. I never in all my life was so vexed and ashamed as now; I put the best face I can on it, but I find other people take the liberty to judge of the present conduct of affairs in England.’ Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1700, no. 622, hereafter cited as CSPC 1700. A later example is discussed in Katz, op. cit., pp. 197–200.
16 Morgan, W. T., English Political Parties and Leaders in the Reign of Queen Anne, 1702–1710 (New Haven, 1920), p. 62Google Scholar; Churchill, W. S., Marlborough, His Life and Times, 4 vols. (London, 1933–1938), vol. 2, pp. 26–7Google Scholar; Trevelyan, G. M., England under Queen Anne, 3 vols. (London, 1930–1934), vol. 1, p. 203Google Scholar. Celia Fiennes, an ardent supporter of William and a keen reporter of such ceremonies, reveals something by her limited comments on William's funeral, which she witnessed. The Journeys of Celia Fiennes, ed. Morris, Christopher (London, 1949), pp. 294–6Google Scholar. William's biographers have been understandably indirect in this matter. See, for instance, Trevor, Arthur, The Life and Times of William III, 2 vols. (London, 1835–1836), vol. 2, pp. 456–7Google Scholar; Robb, Nesca, William of Orange: A Personal Portrait, 2 vols. (London, 1962–1966), vol. 2, pp. 482, 483Google Scholar; Baxter, Stephen, William III (London, 1966), p. 401.Google Scholar
17 Burchett, to Navy Board, 8 March 1701/2, PRO, Adm. 2/402, p. 271Google Scholar.
18 Board, Navy to Burchett, 9 March, Adm. 1/3592, n.p., and reply of 10 March, Adm. 2/402, p. 287.Google Scholar
19 Burchett, to Sir George Rooke, Admiral of the WhiteGoogle Scholar, 10 March, Ibid., n. 286.
20 CSPC 1702, nos. 189–91.
21 The official title was Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations.
22 To royal governors, 18 March, CSPC 1702, no. 219. and to proprietary governments the next day, Ibid., no. 220.
23 Popple, W. Jr to Nicholson, 21 March, CSPC 1702, no. 236.Google Scholar
24 Same to President and Council of Massachusetts Bay, 21 March, ibid., no. 235.
25 Burchett, to Popple, 22 April 1702, CO 323/3, fos. 359–60.Google Scholar
26 Popple to President and Council of Barbados, 21 March, CSPC 1702, no. 228.
27 Burchett, to Captain of the Martin, 28 March, Adm. 1/402, p. 400Google Scholar; same to Popple, 22 April, CO 323/3, fos. 359–60.
28 Seafield Correspondence from 1685 to 1708 (Edinburgh, 1912), p. 352Google Scholar; Edinburgh Gazette, no. 313, 16 March 1702.Google Scholar
29 Barbados Council minutes for 27 April, CO 31/6, pp. 209–11.
30 Flags were flown at half mast from dawn until 9 a.m. when one round was fired from all the guns in the fort.
31 Barbados Council minutes for 18 May, CO 31/6, pp. 215–21.
32 The date of receipt is not known, but it was probably before 19 May. See CSPC 1702, no. 504.
33 A running line of cannon and musket fire from forts, vessels and militiamen was sounded from the easternmost fort in Nevis to the English defences on St Kitts, passing by ‘the very noses of the French’ at Basseterre, capital of the French part of that island. Codrington to Board of Trade, 4 June 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 570; Harlow, V. T., Christopher Codrington, 1668–1710 (Oxford, 1928), pp. 147–8Google Scholar. Codrington's account so pleased the English authorities that it was ordered to be printed. Board of Trade to Codrington, 8 September 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 944.
34 His letters to England of 9, 24 April and 1 May do not mention any news, except a rumour circulating in the West Indies before William died, to the effect that Louis XIV was dead. CSPC 1702, nos. 3425, 325 (i), 404. A comet seen in the West Indies at the end of February prompted a number of speculations. ‘Some will have it foretell a great war; others the death of several great ones’, Ibid., no. 163.
35 Beckford to Board of Trade, 26 May 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 523.
36 Cannons in forts of the three major centres were fired once at sunset on 23 June in remembrance of William, and three rounds accompanied the proclaiming of Anne the following day. Jamaica Council minutes for 29 May, 9 June, CO 137/5, fos. 296/7.
38 Barbados Council minutes of 14 July, CSPC 1702, no. 757. No such representation was made, but the minutes themselves were forwarded to the Board of Trade.
39 On the tobacco convoys, see Middleton, A. P., Tobacco Coast (Newport News, Virginia, 1953), ch. 10.Google Scholar
40 A vessel brought word in from Madeira, tavern and post office of Atlantic seamen. Diary of Samuel Sewall, 3 vols. (Boston, 1878–1882), vol. 2, p. 56Google Scholar. This was three weeks after first news reached Barbados.
41 Massachusetts Council minutes for 28 May 1702, CO 5/788, pp. 145–6; Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. 2, p. 56.Google Scholar
42 Judge Sewall records the gist of the ceremony, concluding with the sheriff's pronouncement: ‘Volleys, Guns. Went into the chamber to drink, …’ Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. 2, p. 56Google Scholar. The Council minutes for 29 May are in CO 5/788, pp. 147–8. See Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. 1, pp. 69, 70Google Scholar, concerning comparable ceremonies on the accession of James II, 20 April 1685, and terse entry for 22 September 1714 re proclaiming of George I, ibid., vol. 3, p. 20.
43 Massachusetts Council minutes for 1 June 1702, CO 5/788, pp. 149–50.
44 In Holland, bells tolled three times a day for six weeks after receipt of news of William's death. Robb, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 2. At the Boston service Benjamin Wadsworth preached the very interesting King William Lamented in America (Boston, 1702)Google Scholar discussed briefly by Miller, Perry, The New England Mind: From Colony to Province (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), p. 163Google Scholar. Details of the Boston ceremony are in the Massachusetts Council minutes for 2 and 4 June, CO 5/788, pp. 151, 342.
45 Morgan, op. cit., p. 62.
46 No service was afforded Charles II, or Queen Anne. See Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. 1, pp. 69, 70Google Scholar; vol. 2, pp. 19, 20. For the belated adjustment to the Restoration, see Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, 1628–1686, 5 vols. (Boston, 1853–1854), vol. 4, Pt. 2, Pp. 30–1, 212Google ScholarHutchinson, T., History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, ed. Mayo, L. S., 3 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), vol. 1, pp. 180–1.Google Scholar
47 English centres celebrated the coronation, held six weeks after the accession, as a joyful event separate from the accession. See Trevelyan, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 203, and The Journeys of Celia Fiennes, pp. 21–3Google Scholar, which describe the unusual ceremonies at Bath. Edinburgh and Dublin, like the Atlantic colonies, had only one event – the arrival of news of the accession. This was despite the fact that both centres received news in plenty of time to hold an event on the day of the coronation. See Edinburgh Gazette, no. 313, 16 March 1702Google Scholar; Seafield Correspondence, pp. 350–2Google Scholar; ‘The Diary of John Trumbell’, ed. Rev. Paul, Robert, in Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, 1 (Edinburgh, 1893), 412–13Google Scholar; Sir David Hume of Crossrigg, A Diary of the Proceedings in the Parliament and Privy Council of Scotland, May 21, 1700–March 7, 1707 (Edinburgh, 1828), pp. 79–81Google Scholar; and Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin, vol. 6, ed. Gilbert, John T. (Dublin, 1896), pp. viii–xii, 261–3, 269–70Google Scholar, re Dublin's reaction seen against the lavish tributes paid William eight months earlier on the eleventh anniversary of the battle of the Boyne.
48 They were also affording travellers time to hear of the service and come to Boston. Jamaica, the only other colony to create an interval by doing more than changing the pace and decor of the ceremonies, took the legally questionable course of leaving the crown vacant overnight after the remembrance for William at sunset on 23 June. See above, n. 36.
49 When Governor Dudley arrived in the colony a week after the service he was greeted by a council delegation in mourning clothes. Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. 2. p. 58Google Scholar; Kimball, Everett, The Public Life of Joseph Dudley (London, 1911), p. 82.Google Scholar
50 New Hampshire Council minutes, 2–4 June, CSPC 1702, no. 566; CO 5/789, pp. 85–6.
51 O'Callaghan, E. B.. Calendar of British Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State Albany. New York, 1644–1776 (Albany, 1866), p. 196Google Scholar, and the fire-damaged proclamation in New York State Library, New York Colonial Manuscripts, vol. 45, p. 53.
52 See DAB.
53 Cornbury to Board of Trade, 23 June 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 652. Cornbury had a party of 30 travelling with him. See below, p. 13. The Five Nations were given the news officially at Albany on 15 July, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, eds. O'Callaghan, E. B. and Fernow, Berthold, 15 vols. (Albany, 1856–87), vol. 4, pp. 982, 984, 986Google Scholar (hereafter cited as NYCD).
54 ‘Report of the Journey of Francis Louis Michel from Berne, Switzerland, to Virginia, October 2, 1701–December 1, 1702’, VMHB, 24 (1916), 125.Google Scholar
55 CO 5/1409, p. 227.
56 Nicholson to Board of Trade, 29 July 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 793; Francis Louis Michel, whose detailed account of the celebrations is so useful, is not reliable as to dates. Michel, loc. cit., pp. 125–9.
57 Ibid., p. 127.
58 Michel wrote of the fireworks condescendingly: ‘In short, nothing was successful, the rockets also refused to fly up, but fell down archlike, so that it was not worth while seeing. Most of the people, however, had never seen such things and praised them highly. The one who had set his part on fire [accidentally] carried off the highest praise, because thev thought he had done something extraordinary. The fireworks were very expensive, but there was not much diversion for one who had seen much more of these.’ Michel, loc. cit., pp. 127–8. For the political use of fireworks in the cult of Louis XIV, see Wolf, John B., Louis XIV (New York, 1968), pp. 374–5.Google Scholar
59 Quary, R. to Board of Trade, 15 October 1703, CSPC 1702–3, no. 1150Google Scholar. Nicholson was scorned in at least one London coffee-house for wasting his money on a party where 500 were drunk for every one that was sober. Historical Collections Relating to the American Colonial Church, ed. Perry, William S., 5 vols. (Hartford, 1870–1878), vol. 1, p. 71.Google Scholar
60 Nicholson, to Board of Trade, 29 July 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 793.Google Scholar
61 See Steele, I. K., ‘The Board of Trade, the Quakers, and Resumption of Colonial Charters, 1699–1702’, W. & M.Q., 3rd ser., 23 (1966), 615–16.Google Scholar
62 18th 4 month 1702, Correspondence between William Penn and James Logan … and others, 1700–1750, ed. Armstrong, Edward, Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vols. 9 and 10 (Philadelphia, 1870–2), vol. 9, p. 108Google Scholar. Hereafter cited as Penn-Logan Corr.
63 See above, p. 11.
64 Penn-Logan Corr., p. 110.Google Scholar
65 Ibid., pp. 108–9, 110–11.
66 Ibid., pp. 110–11.
67 Ibid., p. 117.
68 Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, 16 vols. (Philadelphia & Harrisburg, 1852–1853), vo1, 2, Pp. 69–70.Google Scholar
69 Ibid., pp. 117–18.
70 News reached Surat, India, and Hudson Bay in September 1702, though Albany Fort, in James Bay, did not hear until 17 February 1702/3. Ingram, Bruce S. (ed.), Three Sea journals of Stuart Times (London, 1936), pp. 176, 185Google Scholar; Davies, K. G. (ed.), Letters from Hudson Bay. 1703–1740 (London, 1965), pp. 5–6.Google Scholar
71 CSPC 1702, nos. 516, 527.
72 See above, p. 6.
73 Bennett to Popple, 4 August 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 805.
74 See Steele, I. K., The Politics of Colonial Policy (Oxford, 1968), pp. 56–8n.Google Scholar, re Larkin.
75 CSPC 1702, nos. 866, 872. Royal instructions emphasizing that writs of courts should be in the royal name already existed for Massachusetts (1691), New York (1686) and Virginia (1679), but were extended to Bermuda, Barbados, the Leeward Islands and Jamaica in 1702. Labaree, L. W., Royal Instructions to British Colonial Governors, 1670–1776, 2 vols. (New York, 1935), vol. 1, pp. 294–5.Google Scholar
76 CSPC 1702, nos. 929, 939; CSPC 1702–3, no. 87; CO 40/2, p. 49. This was only three weeks before mammoth toasts and a 51-gun salute marked the arrival of the news at the East India Company factory at Surat, India. Ingram, op. cit., pp. 176, 185.
77 Larkin had a commission to establish special colonial courts to try pirates. Bennett's predecessor, Samuel Day, had brought on his own dismissal by imprisoning that indomitable Surveyor General, Edward Randolph. Hall, op. cit., pp. 193–8; Steele, op. cit., p. 50.
78 Bennett, to Nottingham, 24 December 1702, CSPC 1702–3, no. 87.Google Scholar
79 Bennett, to Board of Trade, 19 October 1703, CSPC 1702–3, no. 1158.Google Scholar
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81 See below, p. 19
82 Labaree, , Royal Instructions, vol. 1, pp. 82–4.Google Scholar
83 Burchctt to Navy Board, Secretary Hedges, Secretary Nottingham and to Postmaster of Dartmouth, Adm. 2/403, pp. 126–30.
84 CSPC 1702, nos. 431–47, 448–9; see also Steele, op. cit., p. 87 and 87n.
85 Burchett to Blathwayt, to Captains of the Swift and Otter, Adm. 2/403, pp. 172, 179,:180, respectively.
86 The rigidly clockwise pattern of travel in the Caribbean was indicated by Beckford when he received packets for the Leewards and Barbados that had been forwarded from New England. Beckford sent them back to the continent noting that there was not a single vessel in seven years bound from Jamaica to Barbados. To Board of Trade, 26 August 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 919.
87 Burchett, to Randolph, Edward, 16 May 1702, Adm. 2/403, p. 240.Google Scholar
88 H.M.S. Express had replaced the Otter. Barbados Council minutes for 23 June, CO 31/6, pp. 235–6.Google Scholar
89 CSPC 1701, no. 997.
90 Codrington to Board of Trade, 28 June 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 674.
91 Same to same, 6 July 1702, Ibid., no. 700; see also Harlow, op. cit.. pp. 147–51; Crouse, N., The French Struggle for the West Indies (New York, 1943), pp. 252–3Google Scholar; Desalles, Adrien, Histoire Genérate des Antilles, 5 vols. (Paris, 1847–1848), vol. 2, pp. 252–5.Google Scholar
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94 Beckford put most of them on a New York-bound vessel the same day, holding those for Bermuda, the Bahamas and Carolina for direct conveyances. Beckford to Board of Trade, 28 July 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 790.
95 Bourne, Ruth, Queen Anne's Navy in the West Indies (New Haven, 1939), passimGoogle Scholar; Nettels, C. P., ‘England and the Spanish American Trade, 1680–1715’, Journal of Modern History, 3 (1931), 1–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McLachlan, Jean O., Trade and Peace with Old Spain, 1667–1750 (Cambridge, 1940), pp. 36–8.Google Scholar
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97 CSPC 1702, nos. 593, 608.
98 Ibid., no. 679.
99 New Hampshire Council minutes, CO 5/789, p. 93.
100 The date is not clear, but see Winthrop to Board of Trade, 29 July 1702, CSPC 1702, no.792.
101 New York's date of declaration is nor clear. Cornbury told the Iroquois that he had not heard certain news by 21 July. NYCD, vol. 4, pp. 983, 993Google Scholar. He did not produce Notting ham's letter of 7 May until the Council meeting of 8 September. New York State Library, New York Council minutes, vol. 9, p. 70.Google Scholar
102 See Nicholson to Board of Trade, 29 July 1702, ibid., no. 793. Pennsylvania proclaimed the war on 24 July, CSPC 1702–3, no. 18 (i), though the informal news was discussed in Council on the 5th. Pennsylvania Council Minutes, vol. 2, pp. 69–70.Google Scholar
103 Virginia Council minutes for 2 April 1702, CO 5/1409, p. 208; same for 18 May 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 501.
104 Nicholson to Board of Trade, 29 July 1702, CSPC 1702, no. 793.
105 Virginia Council and Council-in-Assembly minutes of 14 August 1702, CSPC 1702, nos. 846, 847.
106 Maryland Council minutes for 9 October 1702, ibid., no. 1029, and Archives of Maryland, vol. 25 (1905), p. 128.Google Scholar
107 Beckford to Board of Trade, 28 July 1702, ibid., no. 790.
108 Bermuda Council minutes, 28 September 1702, ibid., no. 1002.
109 New France had not heard of the formal declaration of war until after the middle of July. Public Archives of Canada, C11A, 20, p. 68; Lanctot, Gustave, A History of Canada, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1963–5), vol. 2, p. 150Google Scholar. The minister of marine dated his orders for Martinique to go on full alert jusr four days after Nottingham dated his colonial letters on the declaration of war. See Desalles, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 248–9. There was no meaning in America to the fact that France did not officially reciprocate with its declaration of war until July. See Thompson, M. A., ‘Louis XIV and the Origins of the War of the Spanish Succession’, in William III and Louis XIV, eds. Harton, R. and Bromley, J. S. (Toronto, 1968), p. 159n.Google Scholar; De Lamberty, G., Memoires pour servir à I'histoire du xviiie siècle, 2nd ed., 14 vols. (The Hague, 1724–1740), vol. 2, pp. 107 ff., 200–1.Google Scholar
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111 These figures are derived from CSPC 1696–7 ff.