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Traditionalism and Traditional Law*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Extract

John Berger tells the story of the peasant Lucie Cabrol in terms of her “three lives” because she lived and lived on in three different ways. Readers of the story in Lucie Cabrol's village say she now has four lives. The fourth is in her story. My theme to-day is that representations of knowledge give a life to that knowledge. This life shapes the object of the knowledge. That may appear an intensely academic concern and it is. But I will show that it is, in the same moment, an indispensible practical and political concern.

I start in good company with that body of revisionist scholarship which shows that traditional law or customary law was a creation of the colonial period. For an initial instance, I will depart once only in this lecture from Africa for Oceania. I use this instance because it is compact, irresistible and needs to be better known to legal science. In colonial Fiji, British officials, for the purpose of what the British called good government, sought “to seize … the spirit in which native institutions have been framed”. In the Native Regulations they erected, as one anthropologist put it, “the first code of Fijian custom set down in writing after discussion by representatives from all parts of the Colony and, generally speaking, the great body of custom that it contains has been understood for generations; and so it was not something new and therefore suspect to the Fijians to whom it was applied”.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1984

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References

1 Staniland, Martin, The Lions of Dagbon: Political Change in Northern Ghana, Cambridge, 1975, 175CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Berger, John, Pig Earth, London, 1979, 104192Google Scholar.

3 It is taken from Clammer, J., “Colonialism and the Perception of Tradition in Fiji,” in Asad, Talal, (ed.), Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter, London 1973, 199220Google Scholar. A less compact but highly significant instance beyond Africa that legal science should consider closely is provided by Kahn and refined in debate with the von Benda-Beckmanns. See von Benda-Beckmann, Franz and Benda-Beckmann, Keebet von, “Transformation and Change in Minangkabau Adat”, paper delivered at IUAES-Intercongress, Amsterdam, 04 1981Google Scholar. Kahn, Joel S.Minangkabau Social Formations: Indonesian Peasants and the World-economy, Cambridge, 1980Google Scholar. Kahn, Joel S., Review of Franz von Benda-Beckmann, Property in Social Continuity: Continuity and Change in the Maintenance of Property Relationships through Time in Minangkabau, West Sumatra in 1980 Indonesia Circle, 22, 8188Google Scholar.

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8 Ibid., 204.

9 My examples are confined to those available in English.

10 Twining, William, The Place of Customary Law in the National Legal Systems of East Africa. Chicago, 1964Google Scholar.

11 Staniland, op. cit., vii.

12 Woodman, Gordon R., “How State Courts Create Customary Law in Ghana and Nigeria”, in Finkler, Harold W. (compiler), Papers of the Symposia on Folk Law and Legal Pluralism, Xlth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Vancouver, Canada, August 19–23,1983. Ottawa, 1983, 297332Google Scholar.

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22 Ibid., 29

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27 This attribution is somewhat exaggerated but it is sufficiently accurate here.

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31 Ibid., at 258.

32 See Asad, (ed.) op. cit. for example. For women see Sacks, Karen, Sisters and Wives: The Past and Future of Sexual Equality, Urbana, 1982Google Scholar. My criticism does not apply to all anthropology. There has been an opening out to history as evidenced in recent collections: see, for example, Lewis, I. M., (ed.), History and Social Anthropology. London, 1968Google Scholar; and Journal of Southern African Studies (1982) vol. 8Google Scholar: Special issue of revised versions of papers given at the Conference on the Interactions of History and Anthropology in Southern Africa, 09 1980Google Scholar, and in recent legal anthropology: see Francis, Paul, power and Order: A Study of Litigation in a Yoruba Community, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Liverpool, 07 1981Google Scholar; and the work of Snyder cited above. A remarkable approach transcending this criticism has been developed by Comaroff, John L. and Roberts, Simon, Rules and Processes: The Cultural Logic f Dispute in an African Context. Chicago and London, 1981Google Scholar.

33 Cf. Leach, Edmund, Social Anthropology, Glasgow, 1982, 47, 53, 224Google Scholar.

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35 Marx, to Engels, , 14 06 1853Google Scholar in Marx, Karl and Engels, FriedrichCorrespondence 1864–1895. London, 1934, at 70Google Scholar.

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42 Quoted in Carby, , op. cit., 224225Google Scholar.

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45 Iliffe, John provides an account of these more straightforward instances: The Emergence of African Capitalism, London and Basingstoke, 1983CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 See, for example, Poirier, J., “L'Analyse des Espèces juridiques et l'Étude des Droits coutumiers africains”, in Gluckman, Max (ed.). Ideas and Procedures in African Customary Law, Oxford, 1969, 97109Google Scholar.

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49 Ibid., 296–297.

50 Ibid., 301.

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52 Kundera, Milan, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, New York, 1980 at 3Google Scholar.

53 At the conference a few participants objected strongly to seeing customary law as a creation of the colonist, arguing that it was something created by the people. A point of the lecture is that customary law has to be seen in both these ways. It has different lives. I wanted to intimate dynamics of identity of its different lives. The lecture is misleading in doing only that. There are integral connections between these lives of customary law in which each takes identity from the other in dialectical relations of opposition and support (cf., Fitzpatrick, , “Law and Societies”, (1984) Osgoode Hall Law Journal, 22Google Scholar). This line is being developed in current work.