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⁵⁵ For other accounts, see Watson, R., The Slave Question (Johannesburg, 1991), 50–9Google Scholar; Rayner, M., ‘Wine and slaves: the failure of an export economy and the ending of slavery in the Cape Colony, South Africa, 1806–1834’ (Ph.D. thesis, Duke University, 1986), 174–89Google Scholar. What follows is drawn from van der Spuy, P., ‘A collection of discrete essays with the common theme of gender and slavery at the Cape of Good Hope with a focus on the 1820s’ (M.A. thesis, UCT, 1993), 199–244Google Scholar, and Theal, G., Records of the Cape Colony from February to April 1825 (Cape Town, 1904), XX, 188–341.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Guy, , ‘A landmark’, 229–31Google Scholar. The significance of cattle for subsistence has yet to be fully probed. Milk was a crucial element in many diets, but prophecies often allowed people to keep some cattle, and milk cows were the last to be killed. Trade, too, needs to be incorporated into analyses: much grain was purchased with money from the sale of hides of dead cattle.

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⁶⁸ A photograph, depicting a well-developed adolescent, is in Mostert, , FrontiersGoogle Scholar. Nongqawuse also referred to a female initiation rite in her prophecies. African poets and a playwright, like Xhosa oral tradition, saw her as an intombi: Dhlomo, H., The Girl Who Killed To Save (Lovedale, 1936)Google Scholar; Sirayi, G., ‘The African perspective of the 1856/1857 cattle-killing movement’, South African Journal of African Languages, XI (1991), 44.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ Maclean, , Compendium, 62Google Scholar, see also 64, 110–11. The Report and Proceedings of the Government Commission on Native Laws and Customs, G 4 of 1883, contains numerous complaints about decreased punishment for ‘fornication’ since the ‘olden time’– and, specifically, by 1856. Abortion was not previously described as sweepingly: see Bradford, H., ‘Herbs, knives and plastic: 150 years of abortion in South Africa’, in Meade, T. and Walker, M. (eds.), Science, Medicine and Cultural Imperialism (New York, 1991), 122.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Ibid. 227.

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⁸¹ Lewis, J., ‘Materialism and idealism in the historiography of the Xhosa cattle-killing movement 1856–7’, SAHJ, XXV (1991), 249Google Scholar. Little evidence accompanies this assertion.

⁸² According to evidence scattered in the text, Sarhili was devastated by having no male heir. Four sons had died; chiefs taunted him: ‘we have long told you that you cannot keep children’. In mid-1856, some twenty people having been killed for bewitching his last son or the cattle dying from lungsickness, Sarhili descended on Mhlakaza's homestead. The king whose praises celebrated ‘his prowess as an uninhibited lover of women’ was then confronted with prophecies linking witchcraft to ‘fornications’ (Peires, , Dead Will Arise, 82–4, 87, 227)Google Scholar. He commanded obedience to the prophecies, and supported the movement whenever it faltered.

⁸³ Ibid. 127, 142.

⁸⁴ Maclean, , Compendium, 62Google Scholar, see also 115.

⁸⁵ Mostert, , Frontiers, 361Google Scholar; see also Anonymous, ‘Nachrichten aus Britisch-Kafferland’, Berliner Missionsberichte, III/IV (1877), 45.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ African literature on incest survivors seems remarkably sparse. Western texts, defining incest more narrowly, argue that common behavioural patterns include uncontrollable flashbacks and dreams, phobic withdrawals from the world, survivors' descriptions of their bodies as tainted, symbolic retelling of abuse in stories filled with aggression, creating an imaginary friend, and/or creating fantasy worlds which are pure, safe, beautiful.

⁸⁹ The 1906 Xhosa version was translated into English, and published in Jordan, A., Towards an African Literature (Berkeley, 1973), 70–5Google Scholar. Peires has made some use of the original 1888 Xhosa text, which is clearly different.

⁹⁰ Peires, , Dead Will Arise, 311Google Scholar, see also 33–6, 309–10.

⁹¹ Ibid. 34, 36. Peires identifies Mhlakaza, a wealthy, Gcaleka chief's councillor, and a diviner, with Wilhelm Goliath, a Christian, Dutch-speaking husband of a Mfengu woman, and an ex-servant of Archdeacon Merriman. Those querying this claim include Guy, , ‘Landmark’, 227Google Scholar, and Tisani, N., ‘Peires, pathbreaker’, SAHJ, XXV (1991), 235Google Scholar. Peires however claims the link was ‘irrefutably established’ in an archival source, and also noted in a newspaper: Dead Will Arise, 43.Google Scholar

In the archival source, the Superintendent of Grahamstown Natives reported, in August 1856, that Willem Goliat, who previously travelled with Merriman, had begun prophesying that cattle were contaminated, that if they were removed from the face of the earth pure stock would replace them, that he saw a new race of people, and that whites would be forced to leave. No link whatever is established between ‘Goliat’ and Mhlakaza. Five days later, the newspaper to which Peires refers claimed ‘their country is now full of Witch Doctors or Prophets’, and that Merriman's ex-servant was prophesying ‘the usual rubbish about dead chiefs, Kafirs and cattle coming to life again’. Again, no link is established between Goliath and Mhlakaza. Some two weeks later, the same paper reported that ‘the Kafir prophet has run away’. This claim is ignored, as is the discrepancy in dates between Nongqawuse's first prophecy (April) and this reference to Goliath (August).

Peires also claims the link between Goliath and Mhlakaza was noted by a settler, forty years later, with ‘the details’ wrong. Mrs Merriman denied it, and twice asked for a retraction. Peires, however, believes the man, who had neither lived in the eastern Cape, nor employed Goliath. This is the sole ‘evidence’ linking Mhlakaza to Goliath (Ibid. 43–4.)

⁹² Ibid. 90, 149, 154.

⁹³ Ibid. 87–93.

⁹⁴ Ibid. 87, 90, 91; see also 310–11. Alternative characterizations to these, which rest on the disparaging comment of a Xhosa man who saw her once, are in Jordan, , African Literature, 72Google Scholar; Appendix I, deposition of Nongqawuse, np.

⁹⁵ Peires, , Dead Will Arise, ix, 36, 44, 73, 79, 148, 310, 311.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid. 311.

⁹⁷ Ibid. 173. The correct term is (i)bhinqa.

⁹⁸ Ibid. 310, 172.

⁹⁹ Ibid. 172–3.

¹⁰⁰ Kelly, L., Surviving Sexual Violence (Cambridge, 1988), 34–8, 47–8, 163–4Google Scholar, outlines rape myths: these revolve around women deserving it; rape happens only to problematic women. Scholars reproducing these myths have argued that raped women are ‘more feminine’ women, ‘refeminized’ through rape; they have claimed rapes were ‘victim precipitated’; they have failed to problematize rapists' accounts. Similarly, Nongqawuse is positioned in this narrative as a sexually frustrated, peculiarly feminine liar; no attempt has been made to analyse why men should tell and retell a tale centring on silencing her by exercising sexual power.

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