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³⁷ See Wilson, M., ‘The growth of peasant communities’, in Wilson, M. and Thompson, L. M. (eds.), The Oxford History of South Africa, ii (New York and Oxford, 1971), 49–103Google Scholar, for an analysis of the impact of missions on rural society.

³⁸ Daniel, to WMS, 29 Aug. 1881Google Scholar, MMS, box xxviii.

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⁴⁹ Ibid. 258. The Free State census after annexation listed 554 ‘Basutos’ living at Thaba Nchu.

⁵⁰ See Galbraith, J., Reluctant Empire (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), 62–97Google Scholar, for a discussion of this phenomenon.

⁵¹ Free State Archives Depot, ‘Samuel Moroka: Petition to be Allowed to Return to Thaba Nchu’, 1906Google Scholar, Native Affairs Branch of the Colonial Secretary's Office, Orange River Colony, vol. 5, file no. N. 360/06, p. 2.

⁵² In the case of the Moorosi rebellion, the only apparent action by London was a protest against the beheading and mutilating of Moorosi's body by Cape troops. See Atmore, A., ‘The Moorosi Rebellion’, in Rotberg, R. and Mazrui, A. (eds.), Protest and Power in Black Africa (New York, 1970), 32.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Froude, , ‘Leaves from a South African Journal’, in Froude, , Short Studies on Great Subjects (London, 1877), iii, 547.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The role of labour in South African history has received much attention recently. See the argument of S. Marks and A. Atmore that securing a stable labour supply for industry and commercial agriculture was a key reason for British imperial intervention in South Africa, in ‘The Imperial factor in South Africa in the nineteenth century: towards a reassessment’, Journal of Imperial and Commomuealth History, iii (1974), 105–39Google Scholar; and, more recently, Keegan, T., ‘The restructuring of agrarian class relations in a colonial economy: the Orange River Colony, 1902–1910’, Journal of Southern African Studies, v (Apr. 1979), 234–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁶ Barlow, , President Brand, 224,Google Scholar suggests the possibility of this interpretation but does not follow it up or elaborate.

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