² Cf., V. I. Lenin, What is to be done? 3rd rev. ed. (Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1964), 28–51.Google Scholar

³ This factor is discussed by Professor Ranger in two important and as yet unpublished papers: ‘African reaction and resistance to the imposition of colonial rule in East and Central Africa’, to be published in Gann, L. H. and Duignan, P. (eds.), History and Politics of Modern Imperialism in Africa (Stanford),Google Scholar and ‘Connections between “ primary resistance” movements and modem mass nationalism in East and Central Africa’, University of East Africa Social Science Conference, 12 1966. A full discussion must await the publication of these papers.Google Scholar

⁴ See Vincent, Harlow and Chilver, E. M., assisted by Alison, Smith (eds.), History of East Africa, II (Oxford, 1965), especially the chapters by Raurn, Middleton, Pratt and Bates.Google Scholar

⁵ Cf., Godfrey and Monica, Wilson, The Analysis of Social Change (Cambridge, England, 1945, reprinted 1965), 40: ‘ Intensity [ the total degree of dependence on others] in the narrower circles of relations necessarily diminishes as intensity in the wider circles increases.’Google Scholar

⁶ Low, D. A., ‘ Lion rampant’, J. Commonwealth Political Studies, II, (1964), 235–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ Native Labour Commission, 1912– 13: Evidence and Report (Government Printer, Nairobi), 3.Google Scholar

⁸ Girouard, E. P. C., Memoranda for Provincial and District Commissioners (Government Printer, Nairobi, 1910).Google Scholar

⁹ Ainsworth, to Chief Secretary, 30 05 1914, Kenya National Archives (K.N.A.) PC/ NZA. 3/ 66/ 1.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Revd. Hooper, H. D., Memo: ‘Development of political self-consciousness in the Kikuyu native’, Enclosure in Hooper to Oldham, 29 05 1922. International Missionary Council Papers, file H.3, Edinburgh House, London.Google Scholar

¹¹ District and Provincial Annual Reports, K.N.A. I have been unable to find in Kenya any official discussion on the problems of chiefs in relation to L.N.C.s comparable in importance to the Report of the Mangwende Reserve Commission of Inquiry (Salisbury, mimeo, 1961), 68–77.Google Scholar

¹² For a full discussion, see Pratt, R. C. in Harlow, and Chilver, , op. cit. 487–510.Google Scholar

¹³ Jarvis, to Duke, of Devonshire, , 31 01 1923, Entebbe Secretariat Archives (E.S.A.), Secretariat Minute Paper (S.M.P.), R.18/ 1.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ibid. There are many such statements of policy in the papers of the E.S.A.

¹⁵ Fallers, L. A., ‘Are african cultivators to be called “ peasants”?’, Current Anthropology, II, 2 (1961), 108–10;CrossRefGoogle ScholarIliffe, J., ‘The organisation of the Maji-Maji rebellion’, J. Afr. Hist. VIII, 3 (1967), 495–512.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The discussion that follows is based also on the definitions offered by Kroeber, A. L., Anthropology (New York, 1948), 284;Google Scholar and Eric, R. Wolf, Peasants (Englewood Cliffs, 1966).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Shanin, T. ‘The peasantry as a political factor’, The Sociological Review, N.S. XIV, I (1966), 7–9.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Native Land Tenure in Kikuyu Province: Report of Committee, November 1929 (Nairobi, 1930), 11.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Fazan, S. H., Memo: ‘Native land tenure— Nyanza Province’, 29 12 1938. K.N.A. PC/NZA. 4/2/1.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Pilgrim, J. W., ‘Land ownership in the Kipsigis reserve’, East African Institute of Social Research Conference Paper (1959), 7–9.Google Scholar

²⁰ Wilson, G. M. et al. , A.I.D. Survey, Elgon— Nyanza (Nairobi, minieo, 1962), 18–19.Google Scholar

²¹ For an equivalent situation of great comparative importance, despite Buganda' s peculiarities, see Low, D. A., ‘The advent of populism in Buganda’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, VI, 4 (1964), 424–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²² Eric, R. Wolf, op. cit. 108–9.Google Scholar

²³ See also J. M. Lonsdale, ‘The emergence of African nations’, to be published in African Affairs.

²⁴ Assistant District Commissioner, Kisii, (?Juxon Barton, 1956?), ‘The Kisii’, in Native Tribes and their Customs, IV (Central Government Library, Nairobi).Google ScholarCf., R. Collins and Herzog, R., ‘Early British administration in the Southern Sudan’, J. Afr. Hist. II, I (1961), 124; referring to the same period: ‘To the peoples of the Southern Sudan the local administrative official was the Government.’Google Scholar

²⁵ As reported in Historical Survey of the Origins and Growth of Mau Mau (the Corfield Report), Cmd. 1030 (1960), 308.Google Scholar

²⁶ For one aspect see Donald, C. Savage and Munro, J. Forbes, ‘Carrier Corps recruitment in the British East Africa Protectorate, 1914– 1918’, J. Afr. Hist. VII, 2 (1966), 313–42.Google Scholar

²⁷ Middleton, J. in Harlow, and Chilver, , op. cit. 354.Google Scholar

²⁸ The significance of the name ‘East African Association’ is debatable. Clyde, Sanger and John, Nottingham, ‘The Kenya general election of 1963’, Mod. Afr. Studies, II, I (1964), 1,Google Scholar seem to argue a pan-East African intention. Alternatively it could imply a desire to return to Protectorate status, an interpretation more in keeping with the paramount chief demands discussed below. Its supra-territorial membership was paralleled in Tanganyika. In 1926 the president and secretary of the Tanganyika Territory African Civil Service Association (founded in March 1922) were both Makua from Mozambique, one born in Zanzibar, the other in Mombasa. Of the seven members of its informal committee, only two were born in Tanganyika; minute, 11 June. 1926, in S.M.P. 3715, Tanzania National Archives (T.N.A.). Similarly many members of the Tanganyika Association, apparently founded in 1926 or 1927, were in 1930 not native to the Territory; Cameron, to Secretary of State, 22 08 1930, T.N.A. S.M.P. 19325/ 1.Google Scholar

²⁹ Thuku, to Provincial Commissioner, Nyeri, , 14 12 1921Google Scholar (Enclosure in Hooper, to Oldham, , 29 03 1922, International Missionary Council Papers.);Google ScholarKikuyu Central Association (K.C.A.) to Grigg, , 31 12 1921, K.N.A. PC/CP. 8/5/2;Google ScholarK.C.A., to SirSamuel, Wilson, 30 05 1929, K.N.A. PC/CP. 8/5/3Google Scholar‘Statement of various grievances’ to Cunliffe, Lister, 01 1934 by K.C.A. Kikuyu Loyal Patriots, Progressive Kikuyu Party, and Kikuyu Land Board Association, in Christian Council of Kenya Race Relations Committee papers, file I/ A.Google Scholar

³⁰ For the Luo and Luyia see Lonsdale, J. M., ‘A Political History of Nyanza 1883–1945’, University of Cambridge Ph.D. thesis, 1964, to be published in revised form by Clarendon Press as A Politisal History of Western Kenya, 1883– 1957.Google Scholar

³¹ Elliot, to Lumley, , 5 10 1922, K.N.A. DC/ KAJ.9/ I/ I/ I.Google Scholar

³² Native Affairs Department Annual Report (1923), 5.Google Scholar

³³ Cf., Norman Leys, Kenya (London, 1924), 318: ‘To [ Africans] the Government is not their government. In their view, everything it does, the tax, labour regulations and all else, is done for the benefit of Europeans.’Google Scholar

³⁴ Parmenas, Mockerie, An African Speaks for his People (London, 1934), 11;Google Scholar and his story in Perham, M. (ed.), Ten Africans (2nd ed., London, 1963), 163–4.Google Scholar The comparable situation in Central Africa is discussed in Terence, Ranger, ‘Traditional authorities and the rise of modern politics in Southern Rhodesia, 1898– 1930’; in Stokes, E. and Brown, R. (eds.), The Zambesian Past (Manchester, 1966).Google Scholar

³⁵ Tate (Provincial Commissioner, Nyanza), circular letter to missionaries and officials, 8 Feb. 1922. Owen Papers, Church Missionary Society Archives.

³⁶ Kikuyu Association to Hilton Young Commission, Jan. 1928, K.N.A. PC/ CP. 8/ 5/ 1.

³⁷ Minutes, Kavirondo [ Luo] Taxpayers' Welfare Association (K.T.W.A), 25 Aug. 1936, K.N.A. DC/ CN.8/ 2.

³⁸ Minutes, K.T.W.A., 14 Sept. 1935 and 25 Oct. 1936, ibid.

³⁹ Watkins, to Archdeacon, Owen, 7 02 1921, Owen Papers.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Many chiefs were of course ‘backward’ from both colonial and nationalist standpoints, but this is a factor too often exaggerated.

⁴¹ Southall, A. W., ‘The concept of elites and their formation in Uganda’, in Lloyd, P. C. (ed.), The New Elites of Tropical Africa (London, 1966), 342–66.Google Scholar

⁴² For a perceptive analysis of different aspects of the interrelation between traditional society and modern politics, see Burke, F. G., Political Evolution in Kenya (Syracuse University, Program of East African Studies, Occasional Paper no. 2, 1964).Google Scholar

⁴³ No relation to Mr Tom Mboya.

⁴⁴ Middleton, J. and Kershaw, G., ‘The Kikuyu and Kamba of Kenya’, Ethnographic Survey of Africa: East Central Africa, V (1966), 23–53;Google ScholarBarnett, D. L. and Karari, Njama, Mau Mau from within (London, 1966), 42–57.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Low, D. A. in Harlow, and Chilver, , op. cit. 44–50.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ J. Middleton in ibid. 359.

⁴⁷ See the figures quoted by Kenya's governor, SirEdward, Grigg, in Papers Relating to the Closer Union of Kenya, Uganda and the Tanganyika Territory, Colonial, No.57 (1931), 14,Google Scholar for the composition of the three Kikuyu L.N.C.s (‘“Young Mission” means natives educated at missions, who have other organisations and are the main representatives, apart from the K.C.A., of progressive ideas’): Total Young membership K.C.A. Mission Fort Hall 28 9 7 Kiambu 25 6 5 Nyeri 22 4 3

⁴⁸ K.C.A., to Wilson, , 30 05 1929, K.N.A. PC/ CP.8/ 5/ 3.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ogot, B.A., ‘British administration in the Central Nyanza district of Kenya, 1900– 60’, J. Aft. Hist. IV, 2 (1963), 269–70.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ All the foregoing is grossly oversimplified. The sources for the discussion are chiefly Low, D. A. and Pratt, R. C., Buganda and British Overrule, 1900– 1955 (London, 1960); D. A. Low, ‘The advent of Populism’, op. cit.; and C. Ehrlich, ‘The Uganda economy, 1903–1945’ in Harlow and Chilver, op. cit.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Apter, D. E., The Political Kingdom in Uganda (Princeton and London, 1961), 25–8.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid. 114 ff.

⁵³ Initially the K.A.U., and then, briefly, the Kenya African Study Union.

⁵⁴ Roberts, A. D., ‘The sub-imperialism of the Baganda’, J. Afr. Hist. III, 3 (1962), 435–50; for aspects of Buganda' s impact on one area of Uganda, see M. Twaddle, ‘“ Tribalism” in Eastern Uganda’, to be published in P. H. Gulliver, The Tribal Factor in East Africa.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁵ Bates, M. in Harlow, and Chilver, , op. cit. 636.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ This paragraph is based on Iliffe, J., ‘ The German Administration in Tanganyika 1906‘ 1955: The Governorship of Freiherr von Rechenburg,’ (University of Cambridge Ph.D. dissertation, 1965), ch. IX: my own researches on limited aspects of the British period, and discussions with Dr Iliffe, have done little more than confirm his thesis.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Trimingham, J. S., Islam in East Africa (Oxford, 1964).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ This paragraph is based on correspondence in T.N.A. S.M.P. 075 (Confidential). Information on mbeni activity in Kenya may be found in K.N.A. files PC/ Coast 54/ 1437 and PC/ CP6/ 4/ 3.

⁵⁹ It was this aspect which most alarmed the British adminstrations. In October 1917, the following minute by the private secretary to the East Africa Protectorate' s (Kenya) Acting Governor was circulated to the provincial administrations. (This minute was seen in the Kisumu district office in 1963; the relevant file, now numbered CN/ 51, has been transferred to the K.N.A., but the minute appears to be missing;it is therefore quoted rather extensively.):

‘The participation of natives in British East Africa in the campaign in German East Africa, whether as soldiers or as porters, has given them unprecedented opportunities of enlarging their ideas by contact with natives of other African dependencies. Certain of the men who return will have become acquainted with the pan-African ideal of the Ethiopian Church, with Native politics from Abyssinia, and, for the first time in the history of this Protectorate, a conception may have arisen in the native mind of the possibilities of a black Africa.

‘It may be urged that the incoherence of the native tribes in Central and Eastern Africa, outside the littoral, renders any conflagration improbable, but such premises cannot be considered as a safe basis for argument in connection with native feeling after the war.

‘It is in connection with a native conception of the idea “ Africa for the Africans” that any conjunction of Islamic propaganda is to be regarded as a real danger. Islam would provide a cementing factor and the consequent fanaticism would enormously increase both the military and political difficulty in dealing with such a movement. Converts are notoriously fanatical.

‘In Eastern Africa Islam has tended to consider itself a political as much as a spiritual force, and there has recently been noticeable a tendency on the part of the natives to call themselves members of the Mohammedan nation. After the war it may be expected that proselytising propaganda will be actively disseminated from Mecca, and, though such propaganda, it is almost sure to be of an anti-European character.

‘German East Africa is common ground for Pan-Islam and Pan-Africa; many of the natives educated in the German secular schools have embraced Islam, and the German Administrators have confessed to a feeling of apprehension respecting an African Jehad, i.e. a conjunction of an African political Islam against Europeans. Such a Jehad is not an improbability, and, after the war, it might meet with enthusiasm.’

The minute went on to ask for views on the best means of implementing the suggestion that a ‘ definite policy of encouraging strong and isolated tribal nationalism may be one of the most effectual barriers against a Pan-African upheaval…’

While this apprehension was unfounded, it is a revealing commentary on the reactions of British administrators when confronted with Swahili Society, of which the mbeni groups formed a noisy part.

Professor Ranger' s recent work on witch-eradication movements in Tanganyika in the 1920s and 1930s provides further evidence of the ability of Swahili culture to penetrate, at a popular level, the societies of the interior.

⁶⁰ For an earlier discussion of these and other associations see Ralph, Austen, ‘Notes on the pre-history of TANU’, Makerere Journal, IX (1964), 1–6.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Once again I am here merely elaborating a point first made by J. Iliffe, ‘German Administration’, cited above.

⁶² Kayamba, H. M. T. and Liwali, Alkhidri bin Likhibri to the acting chief secretary, 5 04 1922, T.N.A. S.M.P. 3715;Google Scholar‘The story of Martin Kayamba Mdumi, M.B.E., of the Bondei Tribe’, in Perham, M. (ed.), op.cit., 198.Google Scholar

⁶³ Madalito, B. E. H. and Edwin, W. Brenn to Cameron, , 1 06 1926, T.N.A. S.M.P. 11051/i.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Resolutions passed by the ‘East African Annual Conference of the African Association’ 11–16, May 1940, T.W.A. S.M.P. 28944. At this time the T.A.A., based on Dar es Salaam, had, according to its letterhead, branches in Zanzibar, Pemba, Bagamoyo, Mpwapwa, Dodoma, Kondoa, Singida and Bukoba.

⁶⁵ Mziray, R. R. K. to editor, Tanganyika Standard, 14 10 1940;Google Scholar information from Erika, Fiah, proprietor and editor of Kwetu, 1937–1952, in interviews 01 1965.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ralph Austen, op.cit.; Goran, Hyden, ‘Political penetration in a rural area’, East African Institute of Social Research Conference Paper (1966).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ T.N.A. S.M.P.15938 contains the details of this episode.

⁶⁸ Provincial Commissioner Northern Province to Secretary for African Affairs, 15 Oct. 1948 and Provincial Commissioner Lake Province to Chief Secretary, 6 Oct. 1948, T.N.A.S.M.P.1928; Bennett, G., ‘An outline history of Tanu’, Makerere Journal, VII (1963), 16;Google ScholarListowel, J., The Making of Tanganyika (London, 1965), 134.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Intelligence and Security Bureau report on T.A.G.S.A. special meeting, 2 Feb. 1945, T.N.A.S.M.P. 1105/ 11. The T.A.A. itself was wary of civil servant influence at this stage; information from Hon. J. Kasella Bantu, M.P.

⁷⁰ Serunjogi, M. B. E. (General secretary T.A.G.S.A.) to Chief Secretary, 4 09 1945Google Scholar (ibid). The demand does not seem to have been pressed in the face of government refusal.

⁷¹ In Kenya and Uganda the same transferability seems to have applied only to Africans departmentally employed in public works, the post office, etc.

⁷² Madalito, and Brenn, to Cameron, , 1 06 1926, T.N.A. S.M.P.11051/ 1.Google Scholar

⁷³ Resolutions passed by the ‘East African Annual Conference of the African Association’, 11– 16 May 1940, T.N.A. S.M.P. 28944.

⁷⁴ Chidzero, B. T. G., Tanganyika and International Trusteeship (London, 1961), 236–45; J. Listowel, op. cit. ch. 20.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Chief secretary (Kenya), memo, ‘Native political development and the representation of native opinion’, 9 Sep. 1941, in which is quoted a discussion with a senior Tanganyika official, K.N.A. PC/Coast.2/286.

⁷⁶ Eisenstadt, S. N., in Lewis, W. H. (ed.) French-Speaking Africa, the Search for Identity (New York 1965), 228–9 reaches the same conclusion from the different viewpoint that the central institutions were better equipped by the outgoing colonial power for the task of implementing change.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Low, D. A., Religion and Society in Buganda, 1875– 1900 (East African Studies no. 8, Kampala n.d.)Google ScholarWrigley, C. C. ‘The Christian revolution in Buganda’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, II (1959), 33–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁸ This argument is based on the papers, of seminal importance, by Professor Ranger, listed under footnote 3 above; also his ‘The role of Ndebele and Shona religious authorities in the rebellions of 1896 and 1897’, in Stokes and Brown, op. cit.; also J. Iliffe, ‘ German Administration’ and ‘ The organization of the Maji-Maji rebellion’, loc.cit.

⁷⁹ This brief discussion does not do justice to the role of independent churches in East Africa, but they are the subject of a growing and important literature, e.g. Welbourn, F. B., East African Rebels (London, 1961):Google ScholarWelbourn, F. B. and Ogot, B. A., A Place to feel at Home (London, 1966);Google ScholarRanger, T. O., ‘African attempts to control education in East and Central Africa 1900– 1939’, Past and Present, XXXII (1965), 57–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸⁰ Significantly, it was the independent African Orthodox Church which in the 1930s seems to have provided the first means of intercommunication for the ‘squatter’ families in the White Highlands (correspondence in K.N.A. PC/ RVP2/ 27).

⁸¹ As already suggested, and as will be seen again below, these remarks need modification in the case of the Kikuyu.

⁸² Malinowski, B., The Dynamics of Culture Change (New Haven, 1945), 56–60.Google Scholar

⁸³ Archdeacon, W. E. Owen, ‘Corban in Kenya, a criticism of state financing of African education’ (1940).Google Scholar Copies of this memorandum were found in 1963 by the author in the attic of the Friends' Mission, Kaimosī western Kenya. See Ranger, T. O., ‘African attempts to control education’, loc. cit. 54, for fuller quotation.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ngugi, J., The River Between (London, 1965), illustrates this more vividly than any amount of historical analysis.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Stenning, D. J., ‘Salvation in Ankole’, in Fortes, M. and Dieterlen, G. (eds.), African Systems of Thought (London, 1965), 265–6;Google ScholarKilifi, subdistrict intelligence report, 06 1925, in K.N.A. PC/ Coast, 64/ 9/ 1923;Google ScholarHokororo, A. M., The Influence of the Church on Tribal Customs at Lukuledi (Ndanda Mission, 1961), 14;Google ScholarMemorandum Prepared by the Kikuyu Mission Council on Female Circumcision (Kikuyu, 1931); and correspondence in K.N.A. PC/ NZA.3/ 30/ 2, respectively.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Samuel, Chiponde (President of T.T.A.C.S.A. and High Court interpreter) at 1925 Education Conference, quoted by R. Austen, ‘Notes on the pre-history of TANU’, loc. cit.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ M. Twaddle, ‘“ Tribalism” in Eastern Uganda’, loc. cit.

⁸⁸ Welbourn, F. B., East African Rebels, 113–61;Google Scholar for an account modifying Welbourn' s in its emphasis on the educational, rather than cultural, factor see Ranger, T. O., ‘African attempts to control education’, loc. cit. 65–7.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ This definition by focus, narrower than others commonly used in accounts of African nationalism, is used also in ‘The emergence of African nations’, loc.cit. Analytically I find it more useful than the chronological ‘awakening, incipient action and triumph’ recently proposed by Robert, I. Rotberg, ‘African nationalism: concept or confusion?’, Modern Afr. Stud. IV, i (1966), 39.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ As in the cases of the Chagga, Haya, Kikuyu, Luo and Luyia.

⁹¹ Listowel, J., The Making of Tanganyika, 231–2; and the example of K.A.U.' s attempted use of paramount chief Mumia' s family in Western Kenya— a fascinating parallel with the techniques of the earliest British officials in the area.Google Scholar

⁹² Wallerstein, , ‘Voluntary associations’, in Coleman, J. S. and Rosberg, C. G. (eds.), Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa (Berkeley, 1964), 335.Google Scholar

⁹³ SirPhilip, Mitchell, The Agrarian Problem in Kenya (Government Printer, Nairobi, 1948).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See an article on the Groundnut Scheme by Obialidu, in WASU, XII, 3,Google Scholar pertinently entitled ‘Bigger plans, worse plight’: ‘ now that Britain is a debtor country casting about for means of economic recovery, she suddenly discovers Africa as a long lost Aladdin's lamp, and she rubs her eyes in wonder’. As cited in Garigue, P., ‘The West African Students' Union’, Africa, XXIII (01 1953), 66.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Ruthenberg, H., Agricultural Development in Tanganyika and African Agricultural Production Development Policy in Kenya 1952–1965 (Berlin, 1964, 1966).Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Huxley, E., A New Earth (London, 1960);Google ScholarCliffe, L., ‘Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural improvement in Tanganyika during the colonial period’, East African Institute of Social Research Conference Paper, 1965.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Examples are given by Professor Ranger in the papers under footnote 3 above.

⁹⁸ Information from Mr A. Nelson, currently writing a book on the Meru Land Case.

⁹⁹ For Tanganyika examples, see L. Cliffe, op. cit; K.N.A. files DC/ MKS. 10B/15/1 and DC/MKS. 14/3/1 for the Kamba destocking issue of 1938, also Wrigley, C. C. in Harlow, and Chilver, , op. cit. 256.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ A Plan to Intensify the Development of African Agriculture in Kenya (the Swynnerton Plan), (Government Printer, Nairobi, 1954), 10.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ This aspect of Mau Mau is touched on in D. L. Barnett and Karari Njama. Mau Mau from Within; see also M.P.K. Sorrenson, ‘Counter revolution to Mau Mau land consolidation in Kikuyuland, 1952– 1960’, E.A.I.S.R. (n.d.).

¹⁰² I discuss this more fully in my Political History of Western Kenya.

¹⁰³ Harry, Thuku to Provincial Commissioner, Central Province, 14 08 1935, K.N.A. PC/CP. 8/5/ 6.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Saidi, Salini to Chief Secretary, 16 03 1948, T.N.A. S.M.P. 36781.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Minutes, Central Nyanza African District Council, 10–12 June 1947, Council Offices, Kisumu.

¹⁰⁶ An attitude not peculiar to a colonial situation. See Trades Union Congress, Trade Unionism (London, 1966), 159: ‘Unions are not against change as such, but they are extremely sceptical of the value and practicability of changes devised for and imposed upon them by outsiders.’Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Government Statement on the African District Council of Central Nyanza, 22 01. 1959 (Council offices, Kisumu).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ (Kenya) African Affairs Department Annual Report, 1953.

¹⁰⁹ Information from Mr A. Maguire.

¹¹⁰ For example, Sergeant Mwai wa Koigi, Kenya African Soldiers' Association (addressee and date indecipherable, but early 1945), referred to ‘the problem which is the basis of all African questions— the use of Cooperative societies’ (copy in T.W.A.S.M.P. 16490 (Confidential)); Koinange, M., The People of Kenya Speak for Themselves (Detroit, 1955), ch. 3.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ East Africa Royal Commission 1953– 1955 Report, Cmd 9475 (1955), 64–76.Google Scholar

¹¹² Apter, D. E., The Political Kingdom in Uganda, 186;Google ScholarBarnett, D. L. and karari, Njama, op. cit. 106.Google Scholar

¹¹³ The relationship was most strained in Kikuyuland during the Emergency. Cf., M. Koinange, op.cit. 20–1: ‘ Most of these [ African initiated co-operatives] have been liquidated by the Government during the Emergency. The Government encouraged instead the formation of co-operatives under the direction of Europeans. In this way the Government is always in control, knows the financial power of the co-operatives and controls their growth, instead of this remaining in the hands of their members.’Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Odinga' s Luo Thrift and Trading Corporation, of which Achieng Oneko was for a time secretary, was organizationally the direct precursor of the Kenya African National Union among the rural Luo.

¹¹⁵ Examples are given in L. Cliffe, ‘Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural improvement’, loc. cit.