Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dlnhk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-24T15:24:39.444Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Somali Resistance to Colonial Rule and the Development of Somali Political Activity in Kenya 1893–1960

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

E. R. Turton
Affiliation:
University of Zambia

Extract

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisters par excellence and fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.

On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.

One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1972

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Hoskyns, Catherine, Case Stndies in African Diplomacy: 2. The Ethiopian-Somalia-Kenya dispute 1960–1967 (O.U.P. Nairobi, 1969), 27.Google Scholar

2 Cmnd. 1900. Report of the Northern Frontier District Commission (1962), 8.

3 Middleton, John, ‘Kenya administration and change in African life 1912–1945’, History of East Africa, ii, eds. Harlow, V. and Chilver, E. M. (Oxford, 1965), 335.Google Scholar

4 Republic of Kenya, Official Report, National Assembly, First Parliament, First Session, vol. 1, part. 2, col. 2415. Cf. J. Kenyatta, ‘Memorandum submitted to the conference by the Kenya delegation and entitled Pan African Unity and the NFD question in Kenya’, 26 July 1962, in Hoskyns, Catherine, Case Studies, 36–7.Google Scholar

5 Castagno, A. A., ‘The Somali-Kenyan controversy: implications for the future’, J. Mod. Aft. Studies, ii, no. 2 (1964), 172;Google ScholarRosberg, Carl G. and Nottingham, John, The Myth of Mau Mau: Nationalism in Kenya (Nairobi, 1966), 78.Google Scholar

6 For a broad investigation along these lines of the nationalism of agricultural societies in East Africa see, Lonsdale, J. M., ‘Some origins of Nationalism in East Africa’, J. Afr. Hist., ix, no. 1 (1968).Google Scholar

7 The clan-family is the largest grouping to be found in the segmentary system of the Somali and includes: the Isaq, Digil, Dir and Rahanwein. A detailed description of the Somali political structure can be found in Lewis, I. M., A Pastoral Democracy (Oxford, 1961).Google Scholar

8 The Herti are a Darod clan.

9 Christie, James, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa (London, 1876), 202.Google Scholar

10 I have described the movement of the Isaq into Kenya and their subsequent political activity there in greater detail in a paper entitled ‘The Alien Somali and political protest in Kenya’.

11 This cession was due to a secret obligation undertaken by Great Britain in the 1915 Treaty of London to assist Italy's territorial aspirations in Africa in the event of Britain increasing her colonial possessions at the expense of Germany after the First World War.

12 Eg. SirJohnston's, H. H. observation, ‘they have shown themselves inimical from the first’ in A History of the Colonization of Africa by Alien Races (Cambridge, 1913), 386;Google ScholarMungeam, G. H., British Rule in Kenya 1895–1912 (Oxford, 1966),Google Scholarpassim; Sorrenson, M. P. K., Origins of European Settlement in Kenya (London, 1968), 24;Google ScholarOgot, B. A., ‘Kenya under British rule 1895–1963’, Zamani: A Survey of East African History, ed. Ogot, B. A. and Kieran, J. A. (Nairobi, 1968), 257;Google ScholarHobley, C. W., Kenya from Chartered Company to Crown Colony (2nd ed.London, 1970), 69.Google Scholar

13 I have dealt with both these topics at great length in my unpublished dissertation, “The Pastoral Tribes of Northern Kenya 1800–1916”, London University, 1970.

14 Hardinge to Salisbury, 30 Sept. 1898, FO. 107/96.

15 Hardinge to Salisbury, 21 Sept. 1898, FO. 107/96.

16 The Marehan are a Darod clan, the Digodia a Hawiye clan. Jenner to Hardinge, 2 April. 1899 in Craufurd to Salisbury, 20 May 1899, FO. 2/196.

17 The Garre are a pre-Hawiye Somali clan. Hope to Chief Secretary, 12 and 17 June and 10 Dec. 1960, PC/NFD/4/1/3 (Provincial Commissioner, Northern Frontier District records, Nairobi Archives); Hope, Intelligence Report, June and July 1960, in Girouard to Harcourt, 1 Aug. 1960, CO. 533/76.

18 Protection Order no. 45, 29 Oct. 1895, FO. 107/39.

19 Craufurd to Hardinge, 17 Dec. 1895, FO. 107/39.

20 Craufurd to Hardinge, 25 Mar. 1898, FO. 107/51.

21 Jenner to Ahmed Murghan, 28 Feb. 1898, FO. 107/91.

22 Jenner to Ternan, 1 Nov. 1899, FO. 2/293; Salkeld to Hayes-Sadler, 10 Oct. 1907, PC/JUB/2/2/2 (Provincial Commissioner, Jubaland, Nairobi Archives).

23 Craufurd to Hardinge, 25 Mar. 1896, FO. 107/51.

24 Major Harrison to Deputy Commissioner, 6 Nov. 1902, FO. 2/709.

25 Colonel Hoskins wrote ‘The Somalis in this country are unadministered except the somewhat emasculate tribe of Hertis at the coast who have lost many of the characteristics of a Somali tribe’, in ‘Memorandum on situation in Marehan Country’ 24 Mar. 1954, encl. Belfield to Harcourt, 9 Apr. 1914, CO. 534/18.

26 The complicated relationship between the Garre and the British administration is dealt with a greater length in chapter IX of my dissertation. It is worth noticing that the two Somali clans considered most cooperative by the British—the Herti and the Garre—were both outstanding for their involvement in long-distance trade.

27 The best known account of Todd's baraza is to be found in Thomas, T. S., Jubaland and the Northern Frontier District Handbook (Nairobi, 1917), 23–4,Google Scholar and it is followed by Drysdale, J., The Somali Dispute (London, 1964), 36Google Scholaret. al. Thomas's account, however, is far from accurate and seems to have been based on Jubaland political records which attempt to vindicate Todd's actions. Todd's own account can be found in Todd to Piggott, 9 Feb. 1893, FO. 2/57 and this is corroborated by Count Lovatelli, who was present at the time of the incident, L. to Ministero, 27 May 1895, ASMAI. Posiz. 55/6–41 (Archivio Storico Ministero dell Africa Italiana. Rome).

28 Craifurd to Salisbury, 13 July 1896, FO. 107/60; Craufurd, C. H., ‘Journeys in Gosha and Betond the Deshek Wama’, G.J., ix, no. 1 (1897).Google Scholar

29 Reddie to Rogers, 27 Feb. 1898 and Rogers to Hardinge, 28 Apr. 1898, FO. 107/93; Ternan to Lansdowne, 22 Dec. 1900, FO. 2/294; Eliot to Lansdowne, 8 Mar. 1901, FO. 2/445.

30 In 1913 the Rer Tulha Marehan did not resist the Government, Major Hickson's Diary, 11 Aug. 1913, CO. 533/123. In 1916, the Rer Gharsiu and Rer Ali Aulihan in the west refused to join the in uprising, T. S. Thomas, ‘Precis for the week ending 6 May 1926’, encl. Bowring to Bonar Law, 3 May 1926, CO. 533/168.

31 For further details see my article, The impact of Mohammad Abdille Hassan on the East Africa Protectorate’, J. Afr. Hist. x, no. 4 (1970).Google Scholar

32 Hardinge to Salisbury, 17 Mar. 1897, FO. 107/76; Jenner to Hardinge, 27 Mar. 1897, FO. 107/77; Salkeld, R. S., ‘Notes on Somali tribal organisation in Jubaland’, East Africa Quarterly, ii, no. 8 (1905), 548.Google Scholar

33 Bowring to Harcourt, 19 July 1923, CO. 533/120.

34 Intelligence Section of the K.A.R. Report for Feb. 1919, encl. in Liewellyn to Milner, I Mar. 1919, CO. 534/30.

35 Eliot claimed that ‘The murder of Jenner was due to personal motives: its only political importance was that it showed the audacity of the Somalis and their small respect for our government. But it was not part of a general revolt or a rebellion’, from ‘Report on the Native Tribes of East Africa’ encl in E. to Lansdowne, 9 Apr. 1902, FO. 2/570. This view was also shared by Major Harrison, Memorandum on Jubaland, 8 July 1902, PC/JUB/2/1/6; and the missionary Cederqvist, C. to Ternan, 31 Dec. 1900, AS/EFA/IS/317 (Evangeliska Fosterlandsstiftelsen Archiv, Inkomma Skrivelser. Stadsarkivet Stockholm). For Elliott's murder in 1916, see Evidence of Said Ahmed Cadi of Serenli at Court of Enquiry, 3 Feb. 1916 encl, in Powers to Chief Sec., 10 Mar. 1916, CO. 533/167.

36 Bowring to Walter Long, 10 Aug. 1917, CO. 533/183.

37 Some Marehan crossed into Ethiopia to avoid disarmament in 1919, Report for july 1919, Intelligence section KAR, encl, in Commandant to Milner, 4 Aug. 1919, Co. 534/32. When taxation was introduced in the N.F.P. in 1931, a umber of Somali clans crossed into Ethiopia or Italian Somaliland.

38 Filleul to P. C. Jubaland, 8 Apr. 1914, DC/KISM/13/5.

39 SirJohnston, H. H., Colonization of Africa, 386.Google Scholar

40 Bowring to Walter Long, 10 Aug. 1917, CO. 533/183.

41 Professor Simpson prepared a Report on Sanitary Matters in the E.A.P., Uganda and Zanzibar (Colonial Office, 1915) in which he advocated the zoning and segregation of races in towns such as Nairobi for reasons of health, alleging insanitary conditions in Indian bazaars. See: Mangat, J. S., A History of the Asians in East Africa c. 1886 to 1945 (Oxford, 1969), 112.Google Scholar

42 Belfield to Bonar Law, 13 Oct. 1916, CO. 533/170.

43 Shapley and Schwartze to Bonar Law, 10 Oct. 1916, encl. in Belfield to Bonar Law, 6 Nov. 1916, CO. 533/171.

44 The Times, 13 Aug. 1932.

45 Bowring to Bonar Law, 20 Sept 1916, Co. 533/170.

46 Gregory, J. W., The Great Rift Valley (London, 1896), 357.Google Scholar

47 Glenday, V. G., ‘The origin of Somalis with special relations to their political development in Kenya’, 1938, encl, in R. Brooke-Popham to Ormsby-Gore, 20 Jan. 1938, CO. 533/491.Google Scholar

48 This attitude is noticed by Count Teleki, Von Hohnel, F. D. Lugard, J. W. Gregory, E. Younghusband, W. Lloyd-Jones, Lord Cranworth and K. Blixen.

49 Bowring to Bonar-Law, 20 Sept. 1916; Belfield to Bonar Law, 13 Oct. 1916, CO. 533/170.

50 According to the Isaq, it was the Registration Ordinance of May 1915 which led to their demands for a non-native status. But this Ordinance was left in abeyance until Nov. 1919, owing to a shortage of administrative staff during the First World War. (See Dilley, M. R., British Policy in Kenya Colony (London, 1937), 233Google Scholar; Registration of Person's Amendment Ordinance 1915, CO. 533/157). The Registration Ordinance undoubtedly caused much resentment, and the ‘alien’ Somali were granted exemption by the Executive Council in Mar. 1920. Chief Sec: Circular, 11 Mar. 1920, PC/NFD/4/1/6.

51 The Isaq claimed to have sent a single petition to the Governor but it does not appear to be in the files. Grigg to Lord Passfield, 15 Sept. 1930, CO. 533/402.

52 C. C. Parkinson, Minute, 23 Sept. 1919, on Northey to Mimer, 31 July 1919, CO. 533/212.

53 Attorney General, ‘The Somali Exemption Ordinance 1919. Statement of Objects and Reasons’, 14 July 1919, encl. in Northey to Milner 21 July 1919, CO. 533/212.

54 Gregory, , Rift Valley, 359.Google Scholar

55 Report enclosed in Eliot to Lansdowne, 18 Apr. 1903, FO. 2/712.

56 Eliot, , East Africa Protectorate, 121, 188.Google Scholar

57 Sharpe, H. B., ‘The Somali: General History’, 01 1932, DC/GRA/3/4.Google Scholar

58 SirEliot, Charles, ‘The Native Races of British East Africa’, East African Quarterly, ii, no. 7 (1905), 471.Google Scholar

59 Idem. footnote 47.

60 Chief Secretary, Circular, 11 Mar. 1920; Blackall to all Provincial Commissioners, 3 Apr. 1920, PC/NFD/4/1/6.

61 Ainsworth to P. C. Nyeri, 22 Mar. 1920, PC/NFD/4/1/6.

62 These were the Native Hut and Poll Tax Ordinance, Native Estates Administration, Native Exemption Ordinance, Native Pass Rules, Native Liquor Ordinance, Native Tribunal Ordinance.

63 Glenday, V., ‘Somali Ordinance—History of the Somali status and its legal aspects’, n.d. PC/NFD/4/1/6.Google Scholar

64 Byrne to Cunliffe-Lister, 17 June 1932, CO. 533/425.

65 Turnbull, R. G., ‘Alien Somalis in Kenya Colony’, 1939, WAJ/2.Google Scholar

66 British Ishak Community, Memorial to Ormsby-Gore, 10 Apr. 1937, encl. in BrookePopham to O-G., 30 Apr. 1937, CO. 533/480; Ishaak Shariff Community Petition to King George VI, 22 June 1938, encl. in B-P. to Malcolm Macdonald, 12 July 1938, CO. 533/491.

67 Pascin, J. J., Position of British Ishak Community of Kenya: note of an interview at the Colonial Office on 19 Oct. 1938, CO. 533/491.Google Scholar

68 Fletcher to Malcolm Macdonald, 4 July 1938, CO. 533/491; P. M. Fischer to Malcolm Macdonald, 6 June 1939, CO. 533/506.

69 Kittermaster to Lord Passfield, 10 Sept. 1930, CO. 533/402.

70 Pascin, J. J., Position, CO. 533/491.Google Scholar

71 Wajir Handing Over Report 1925, WAJ/16.

72 D. Stors Fox, Handing Over Report to J. E. H. Lambert, 1929, WAJ/16.

73 Brooke-Popham to Malcolm Macdonald, 9 Feb. 1939, CO. 533/506.

74 Turnbull, R. G., Alien Somalis, WAJ/2Google Scholar; Darod Ismailia Committee, Petition to Sec. of State, 11 Jan. 1934, CO. 533/447.

75 ‘Memorandum on Administration of Somalis’ Feb. 1921, anon. Clip Files, NADM, Nairobi Archives.

76 Tumbull, R. G., Alien Somalis, WAJ/2.Google Scholar

77 British Ishaq Community, Memorial, 10 Apr. 1937, CO. 533/480.

78 Brooke-Popham to Ormsby-Gore, 30 Apr. 1937, CO. 533/480.

79 V. G. Glenday to Colonial Secretary, 17 Nov. 1937, CO. 533/491.

80 B. W. P. Morgan to Malcolm Macdonald, 12 Dec. 1938, CO. 533/491.

81 R. G. Reece, N.F.P. Annual Report, 1940, 1941, 1942, PC/NFD/1/1/8.

82 R. G. Turnbull, N.F.P. Handing Over Report to J. Cusack, PC/NFD/2/1/4.

83 Military Intelligence Summary for the period 1 July 1939 to 14 Aug. 1939, Co. 820/34.

84 Turnbull, R. G., Northern Province Annual Report 1948, PC/NFD/1/1/9.Google Scholar

85 Pinney, J., Northern Province Annual Report, 1947, PC/NFD/1/1/9.Google Scholar

87 Turnbull, R. G., Northern Province Annual Report 1948, PC/NFD/1/1/9.Google Scholar

88 Foster, C. E., ‘Fornightly Summary of events in Jubaland and Northern Frontier from 16 to 30 April 1918’ encl, in Monson to Walter Long, 24 July 1918, CO. 533/196.Google Scholar

89 Memorandum n.d. encl. in Bowring to Long, 3 June 1918, CO. 533/196.

90 G. Reece to Chief Sec., 13 Apr. 1943; G. T. Fisher to Col. Jameson, 6 Aug. 1943; Wickham to Chief Sec., 13 May 1943, PC/NFD/4/1/3.

91 Walters, P. E., Garissa Annual Report 1948, PC/NFD/1/7/3.Google Scholar

92 Idem. footnote 79.

93 Idem. footnote 81.

94 Annual Report Wajir 1948, PC/NFD/1/5/3.

95 Idem, footnote 81; Touval, S. T., Somali Nationalism (1963), 147ff.Google Scholar

96 Turnbull, R. G., Northern Province Handing Over Report to O'Hagen, 28 Oct. 1950, PC/NFD/2/1/3.Google Scholar

97 Tumbull, R. G., Northern Province Annual Report 1951, PC/NFD/1/1/10.Google Scholar

98 Kelly, W. J. P., NFP Annual Report 1957, PC/NFP/1/1/11.Google Scholar

99 Kelly, W. F. P., NFP Annual Report 1958, PC/NFP/1/1/12Google Scholar; Lewis, I. M., ‘Modern Political Movements in Somaliland’, Africa, xxvii, no.1 (1958), 253ff.Google Scholar

100 Cmnd. 1900 (1962), 10.

101 Walters, P. E., NFP Annual Report 1960, PC/NFD/1/1/12.Google Scholar

102 Ibid.

103 See Lonsdale, J. M., ‘Nationalism’, J. Afr. Hist, ix, no. 1 (1968).Google Scholar

104 Examples can be found in my article, Mohammad Abdille Hassan’, J. Afr. Hist. x, no. 4 (1970).Google Scholar

105 Lewis, I. M., ‘Introduction’, in Islam in Tropical Africa, ed. Lewis, I. M. (London, 1966), 85;Google Scholar Cf. Touval, S., Somali Nationalism (1963), 24–6.Google Scholar

106 The large-scale employment of Somali in an agricultural consortium, the Societa Agricola Italo-Somalo, was a further factor. Lewis, I. M., Modern History of Somaliland (London, 1965), 113.Google Scholar

107 Lewis, I. M., ‘Political Movements’, Africa (1958), 253.Google Scholar