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⁵ On the archaeological evidence—simply a few potsherds—Arkell, A. J., ‘Christian church and monastery at Ain Farah, Darfur’, Kush, VIII (1959), 155–9 andGoogle ScholarBivar, A. D. H. and Shinnie, P. L., ‘Old Kanuri capitals,’ J. Afr. Hist. 111, 1 (1962), 1–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹² Browne, W. G., Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria from the year 1792 to 1798, 1st ed. (London, 1799) 233, 237 and 240–1 (Kobei and Suwaynī);Google Scholarvon Slatin, R., Fire and Sword in the Sudan (London, 1896), 108 (Kobei);Google ScholarPallme, I., Travels in Kordofan (London, 1844), 11 (Bāra) andGoogle ScholarBrun-Rollet, M., Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan: Moeurs et coutumes des Sauvages (Paris, 1855), 214.Google Scholar

¹³ el-Tounsy, Mohammed, Voyage au Ouâddy (Paris, 1851), xxxv andGoogle ScholarNachtigal, G., Sahara and Sudan, transl. Fisher, A. G. B. & Fisher, H. J. (London, 1971,), IV, 98.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ Unless otherwise indicated the following account is based on El-Tounsy, , Ouaddy, 467–95.Google Scholar The difference between Wadai and Dār Fūr noted by al-Tānisi is probably to be explained by the absence in the former of a strong class of territorially-based notables, as there was in Dār Fur.

¹⁷ The existence of a class of professional slavers or kidnappers appears to be described in Girard, M. P. S., ‘Mémoire sur l'agriculture, l'industrie et le commerce de l'Egypte,’ Description de l'Egypte, 24 vols. (Paris, 1823), xvii, 278, ‘mais son (i.e. Dār Fūr) principal commerce consiste en esclaves noirs, ce sont des enfants de deux sexes, dont les uns sont dérobés dans les villages du royaume de Dârfour pars des gens qui font métier de ces sortes d'enlévements, et dont lea autres appartiennent aux prisonniers’.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Muhammad b., 'Umar al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh al-adhhān bi-sīrat bilād al-'Arab wa'l-Sūdān, ed. Mus'ad, Mustafā Muhammad, Khalīl Muhammad ‘Asākir and Muhammad Mutafstafā Ziyāda (Cairo, 1965), 236 andGoogle ScholarVoyage au Darfour, transl. DrPerron, (Paris, 1845), 350 and 430.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 307. Raiding by members of the royal family is also referred to inGoogle ScholarLapanouse, M. J., ‘Mémoire sur les caravannes qui arrivent du royaume de Dârfurth’, Mémoires sur l'Egypte, 4 vols. (Paris, an xi), IV, 82–3.Google Scholar

²⁰ El-Tounsy, , Ouadây, 468–9Google Scholar reproduces the form of these letters. The salatīya is a broad-bladed spear particularly associated with the Baqqāra.

²¹ El-Tounsy, Ouadây, 481. Lapanouse, , Mémoires sur l'Egypte, IV, 82 says that the sultan ordered raids every two or three months.Google Scholar

²² The position of the sultān al-ghazwa can be paralleled with that of maqdūm, a royal commissioner sent out on specific missions. While on service the maqdūm took with him certain insignia, such as drums, customarily associated with the sultan alone. Upon his return he reverted to his former rank. Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 309.Google Scholar

²³ El-Tounsy, , Ouadây, 481–2Google Scholar ennurnerates the rules concerning the slaves if the sultān al-ghazwa died or was killed on the raid. If this happened, all the slaves went to the Keira Sultan, so the ‘courtiers’ had an incentive to keep their ‘sultan’ alive.

²⁴ Al-Tūnisī accompanied a ghazwa under malik ‘Abd al-Karīm b. Khamīs 'Armān, who owed him money, which stayed in the south for three months. al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh, 329, Darfour, 357. Jabāyyūa was the term used in Dār Fūr for the grain tax collected by officials called jabbāpyyūn. Lethem, G. L., Colloquial Arabic, Shuwa Dialect of Bornu, Nigeria and of the Region of Lake Chad (London, 1920), gives ‘tax on pagans’ for jabāya. Its meaning in this context is not clear.Google Scholar

²⁵ Browne, , Travels, 299.Google Scholar

²⁶ El-Tounsy, , Ouadây, 273.Google Scholar

²⁷ The first use of ‘Fartīt’ I have seen is on the map at end of Browne, Travels. For a modern use of ‘Fartīt’, see Hasan, Hasan Imam & O'Fahey, R. S., ‘Notes on the Mileri of Jabal Mūn’, S. N. R., LI (1970), 152–5.Google Scholar

²⁸ Santandrea, S., A Tribal History of the Western Bahr el Ghazal (Bologna, 1964), 187 (Dongo), 191 (Kresh), 229 (Binga), 232 (Yuiu), 240 (Kara).Google ScholarMengin, F., Histoire de l'Egypte sous le Gouvernment de Mohammed-Aly, 2 vols., (Paris, 1823), 11, 234, gives a list of tribes from whom slaves were taken: Rong (Runga), Befeg (?), Châl (Shala), Feroukah (Feroge), el Hofrah (people around hufrat al-Na¯s?), Danq (Dongo), Kâr (Kara), Youl (Yulu), el-Nabeh (?) and Bonoud (Arabic plural form of Bands?).Google Scholar

²⁹ Santandrea, S., ‘A Ndogo-kindred group’. Annali Lateranensi, xxi (1957), 115–90.Google Scholar

³⁰ Lyon, G. F., A Narrative of Travels in Northern Africa, 1818–1820 (London, 1821), 231 and El-Tounsy, Ouadây, 205–6.Google Scholar

³¹ El-Tounsy, Ouadây, 274–6; Browne, Travels, xv refers to a journey of forty days south in search of slaves, and there is an itinerary of similar duration in Barth, H., ‘Account of two expeditions in Central Africa by the, Furanys’, J. Roy. Geog. Soc. XXXII (1853), 120–2. The extent of these journeys is discussed inGoogle Scholarde Dampierre, E., Un Ancien Royaume Bandia du Haut-Oubangui (Paris, 1967), 59–60.Google Scholar

³² Al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh, 141, Darfour, 130; Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, IV, 359 says the Daju of Dār Sīla, the Beigo and the Gulla (Gula) paid tribute in slaves.Google Scholar

³³ Shuqayr, Na'um, Jughrāfiya wa-ta'rikh al-Sudān, (Beirut, 1967) (reprint of the 1903 Cairo edition), 455.Google Scholar

³⁴ Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 333, for the wazir 'Abd al-Bārī.Google Scholar

³⁵ The trade with Egypt and the problem of the numbers involved is discussed in Baer, G., Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt (Chicago, 1969), 161–89. There are references to the trade with Tunis inGoogle ScholarValensi, L., ‘Esciaves chrétiens et esclaves noirs a Tunis au XVIII^e siécle’, Annales, xxii, 6 (1967), 1267–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁶ I am grateful to Sayyid Abdel Ghaffar Mohammed for this suggestion.

³⁷ El-Tounsy, , Ouaday, 483–4 and 725.Google Scholar

³⁸ Combes, E., Voyage en Egypte, en Nubie dans les Déserts de Beyouda, des Bicharys et sur les côtes de la Mer Rotge, 2 vols., (Paris, 1846), II, 33 for the story of a Dār Fūr king buying back his two children from a Frenchman in Dongola, and Browne, Travels, 232.Google Scholar

³⁹ Fisher, A. G. B. and Fisher, H. J., Slavery and Muslim Society in Africa (London, 1970), 24–33.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 280 and IV, 67 for a similar practice in Wadai.Google Scholar

⁴¹ P. J. G., ‘De la caravanne de Darfour’, in Denon, V., Voyages dans la Basse et la Haute Egypte pendant les Campagnes de Bonaparte 2 vols., (London, 1809), 11, cclxviii. The identity of karrantinn-dar-êl-saīd is not clear; dār al-sa'īd, literally, ‘the home upstream’, clearly reflecting Egyptian usage, was the land from Rīl to the southern border of the state. Perhaps tinn ‘mud, land’ can be recognized in karrantinn.Google Scholar

⁴² Shuqayr, , Jughrāfiya wa-ta'rīkh, 475.Google Scholar

⁴³ Browne, Travels, 226, 298 (where the tax on slaves exported was to be paid to the khabir or caravan leader in Egypt, who would presumably use it to make purchases for the sultan) and 305.

⁴⁴ Fāshir, a word of unknown linguistic origin, was the area in front of the sultan's camp or palace, where he gave public audience, and then by extension it came to mean the whole palace and household. The use of fāshir has been recorded in Bornu, Baqirmi, Wadai (where it also meant the sultan's council) and Sinnār.

⁴⁵ Browne, Travels, 301 and Mudīrīya archives, al-Fāshir, Western Darfur District Handbook, notes by H. G. Boustead and A. C. Beaton.

⁴⁶ MacMichael, H. A., A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, 2 vols., (Cambridge, 1922), I, 97–100.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh, 103, Darfour, 91 andHillelson, S., ‘Notes on the Dago,’ S. N. R., viii (1925), 71.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ The papers of the Rev. Dr A. J. Arkell, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, accession no. 210522, file 25, fols. 4–6, note of a conversation with ‘omda’ Mohamed Fadl ‘Um Deishinei’, Nyala, 27 January 1934.

⁴⁹ On the malik al-'abīdīya, al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh, 183, Darfour, 175. On the ‘abīdīya and dadina (who are said to come from Bomu), el-Tounsy, Ouadây, 439–40 and MacMichael, , History, 11, 90, but the dadina were directly under an office-holder, abbo dadina, on whose land they lived and cultivated, interview abbo dadina Rihaymtallāh Mahmūd, al-Fāshir, May 1970.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The Dār Fūr system was probably similar to that described in Lebeuf, A. M. D., Les Principautés Kotoko (Paris, 1969), 189–200.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh, 81 and 206, Darfour, 62 and 199, giving the Arabic equivalents, mahal and dār, for som. Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 335, his explanation of som as a place where people meet to eat appears to be inaccurate; in Fur today som means a Qur'ānic school (Sudanese Arabic, khalwa) and is given this meaning in U. Seetzen, 'Wörterverzeichnis aus der sprache der Neger von Dâr Fûr,Google Scholar in Vater, J. S., Proben Deutscher Voiks-Mundarten (Leipzig, 1816), 319–33.Google Scholar

⁵² Al-Tūnisī, , Tashhīdh, 154Darfour, 140.Google Scholar

⁵³ Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, IV, 335.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Al-Tūnisī, , Tashhīdh, 79–80 and 169; Darfour, 62 and 161.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Browne, , Travels, 213.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Abū Ādam 'Abduliāhī, a descendant of the maqdūm, interview Nyala, June 1969, and , Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, iv, 302.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 334–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 337.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ On the rise of the holy men, see R. S. O'Fahey, ‘Saints and Sultans: the Role of Muslim Holy Men in the Keira Sultanate of Dār Fūr’, paper presented to the Biennial Conference of the African Studies Association of the United Kingdom, ‘Islamic Northern Africa’, Sept. 1971 (to be published.)

⁶⁰ Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 284–7.Google Scholar Al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh, 86, Darfour, 68 in describing the causes of Tayrāb's invasion of Kordofan hints at this rift, see O'Fahey, R. S. & Spaulding, J. L., ‘Hāshim and the Musabba'āt,’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, xxxv, 2, 1972, 327–8.Google Scholar

⁶¹ The conflict was still alive in 1873, see Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, iv, 70–1.

⁶² Al-Tūnisī, Tashhīdh, 103, Darfour, 114.Google Scholar

⁶³ On Zamzam, , Nachtigal, , Sahara and Sudan, iv, 315–6 andGoogle ScholarShuqayr, , Jughrāfiya wa-ta'rikh, 464–5. Anyone marrying a mayram was reduced to a social cypher, Browne, Travels, 296. On mayrams owning estates, Shuqayr, Jughrāfiya wa-ta'rikh, 455–6.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Al-Tūnisī, , Tashhīdh, 99–502, 592–3 and 258–60, Darfour, 88–9, 184–5 and 263–7, and Shuqayr, Jughrāfiya wa-ta'rīkh, 455.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Al-Tūnisī, , Tashhīdh, 63, Darfour, 45 denies the story then current that Kurra was born of a palace slave and says he was born a freeman. Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, iv, 294 calls him a Tunjur and a freeman, and Abū Ādam 'Abdall¯hl, interview Nyala, June 1969, a Turūj, i.e. a slave.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Al-Tūnisī, , Tashhīdh, 93–114, Darfour, 77–103.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Al-Tūnisī, , Tashhīdh, 95 and 116, Darfour, 78 and 505, and Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, iv, 28.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Thus Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, iv, 328–9 but it is notable that the three abbo shaykh daali whom he describes as freeman all came after Kurra, himself a freeman according to Nachtigal. Informants in Dār Fūr were certain that Kurra was either born a slave or was enslaved later, and it may be that after the revolt of Kurra the sultans thought it desirable not to confine the office to slaves.

⁶⁹ On Kurra in Kordofan, see O'Fahey and Spaulding, ‘Hāshim and the Musabba'āt’, 330–1.

⁷⁰ Al-Tūnisī, , Tashhīdh, 69–72, Darfour, 51–4, and Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, 298–301.Google Scholar