¹ I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mrs Marion Johnson, Professor J. D. Fage, Dr H. J. Fisher, Dr R. C. C. Law and Mr Paulo F. de Moraes Farias who all commented upon earlier versions of this article. Needless to say, none of these scholars is in any way responsible for the hypotheses and conclusions put forward in this paper. Thanks are also due to Professor Elizabeth Ingram (of the University of Trondheim), Mrs Mary Kenefick and Mrs Dorothy Shannon (respectively graduate student and secretary in the Department of History, University of California, Berkeley), who—together with Drs Law and Fisher—were helpful with the English text.

² Smith, Abdullahi, ‘The early states of the Central Sudan’, in Ade Ajayi, J. F. and Crowder, Michael (eds.), History of West Africa, I (second edition, London, 1976), 152–95.Google Scholar

³ J. O. Hunwick, ‘Songhay, Bornu and Hausaland in the sixteenth century’, ibid. 264–301.

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⁵ I have used the more neutral ‘polity’ in preference to the term ‘state’, the latter having yet to be adequately defined in relation to African history. Also, it is not my intention to try to determine when the Hausa ‘polities’ became ‘states’, but simply to study the evolution of their institutional structure.

⁶ Fisher, , ‘The Eastern Maghrib and the Central Sudan’, 294.Google Scholar

⁷ The most recent, and—in my view—the most erroneous example is to be found in Flint, J. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa, V (London, 1976), 127.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ On the ‘mystique’ involving the first settler(s)/ancestor(s) and his/their relations with the local spirits, cf. inter al. Holas, B., Les Senoufo (y compris les Minianka) (Paris, 1957), 106Google Scholar; Rouch, Jean, Contribution à l'histoire des Songhay (Dakar, 1953), 157Google Scholar; Meillassoux, Claude, Anthropologie èconomique des Gouro de Côte d'Ivoire (Paris/Haag, 1964), 247–8Google Scholar; Lebeuf, Annie M. D., Les Principautés Kotoko: Essai sur le caractère sacré de l'autorité (Paris, 1969), 74Google Scholar; Paques, Viviana, Les Bambara, (Paris, 1954), 54.Google Scholar

¹¹ For similar cases elsewhere, cf. inter al. Quinn, Charlotte A., Mandingo Kingdoms of the Senegambia (London, 1972), 13–40Google Scholar; Bourgoignie, G. E., Les hommes de l'eau: Ethno-écologie du Dahomey lacustre (Paris, 1972), 121Google Scholar; Sarbah, J. M., Fanti National Constitution (London, 1906; reprinted 1968), 3–8.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ Rouch, , Contribution, 157Google Scholar; and id., ‘Les Sorkawa: Pêcheurs itinérants du Moyen Niger’, Africa, XX, 1 (1950), 5–25.Google Scholar

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²⁷ Studies of polities characterized by this ‘dual’ institutional structure include Izard, Introd…Mossi, 115–18; Lebeuf, , Les Principautés Kotoko, 58–182Google Scholar; Rattray, , Tribes, 1, esp. xv–xviiGoogle Scholar; Lombard, J., ‘La vie politique dans une ancienne société de type féudal: les Bariba du Dahomey’, Cah. d'Etud. Afr., III (1960), 5–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Boston, J. S., The Igala Kingdom (Ibadan/London, 1968), 13–21Google Scholar, 82–101; Fortes, Meyer, ‘The Political System of the Tallensi of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast’, in Fortes, M. and Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (eds.), African Political Systems (London, 1940), 238–71Google Scholar; Bradbury, R. E., Benin studies (London, 1973), 11–13, 44, 58Google Scholar; Gayibor, T. N., ‘Migrations-société-civilisation: les Ewe du sud-Togo’, thesis (Univ. of Paris, I, 1975), esp. 66–7Google Scholar; Mercier, P., ‘Note sur les Pila-Pila et les Taneka’, Etudes Dahoméennes, III (1950), 39–71 (esp. 50–2)Google Scholar; Meek, C. K., Tribal studies in Northern Nigeria, II (London, 1931), IIIGoogle Scholar. One interesting variant of the ‘dual’ institutional structure is represented by certain Yoruba kingdoms, where the ‘priest-chiefs’ of the autochthonous population had grouped together in a secret society which exercised much the same prerogatives as the ‘priest-chiefs’/council of electors in other polities: cf. Morton-Williams, P., ‘The Yoruba Ogboni cult in Ọyọ’, Africa, XXX, 4 (1960), 362–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, R. S., Kingdoms of the Yoruba (London, 1976), 134–5Google Scholar. If B. A. Agiri is correct in arguing, first, that the Ogboni secret society did not exist in Old Ọyọ, and, second, that the basorun is the descendant of an earlier (pre-alafin) ‘dynasty’, then the Ọyọ empire too can be considered to have been characterized by a ‘dual’ institutional structure: cf. Agiri, B. A., ‘Early Ọyọ history reconsidered’, History in Africa, II (1975), 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘The Ogboni among the Oyo-Yoruba’, Lagos Notes & Records, III, 2 (1972), 50–9Google Scholar(I am indebted to Dr R. C. C. Law for this reference); Law, R. C. C., The Ọyọ Empire c. 1600-c. 1836: a West African imperialism in the era of the Atlantic Slave Trade (Oxford, 1977), chapter 5.Google Scholar

²⁸ For the king or ‘political head’ also had religious functions to perform. He was, for instance, often the priest of the cult in honour of the founding (deified) ancestor of his group (cf. in particular Boston, , The Igala Kingdom, 172).Google Scholar

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³⁰ Zahan, Dominique, ‘The Mossi Kingdoms’, in Forde, D. and Kaberry, P. (eds.), West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1967), 152–78 (166).Google Scholar

³¹ In his introduction to the book edited by him, , Succession to High Office (London, 1966), 5.Google Scholar

³² This is one way of interpreting the struggle between the alafin and the basorun in eighteenth-century Ọyọ. On this struggle cf. Law, R. C. C., ‘The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century’, J. Afr. Hist., XII, I (1971), 25–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³ Cf. inter al. Boston, , The Igala Kingdom, 13–18Google Scholar; Lebeuf, , Les Principautés Kotoko ‥; Landeroin, ‘Du Tchad au Niger’, 494.Google Scholar

³⁴ Based on Le Herissé, Dahomey; Fage, J. D., Ghana: A Historical Interpretation (Madison, 1959), 25Google Scholar; Herskovits, Melville J., Dahomey: An Ancient West African Kingdom, 2 vols. (New York, 1938)Google Scholar; Terray, Emmanuel, ‘Classes and Class consciousness in the Abron Kingdom of Gyaman’, in Bloch, Maurice (ed.), Marxist Analyses and Social Anthropology (London, 1975), 85–132.Google Scholar(Because Gyaman is an atypical polity, no general conclusions can in my view be drawn from the theories developed in this important paper.) I have discussed the Dahomean case at some length in an article called ‘Quelques réflexions sur l'histoire et les institutions de l'ancien Royaume du Dahomey et de ses voisins’, Bull. I.F.A.N. (in press).

³⁵ This ‘way out’ was tried in my opinion by the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century rulers of Kongo and by the seventeenth-and early eighteenth-century rulers of Whydah and Allada. On Kongo, cf. Vansina, Jan, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966), 38–46Google Scholar; Randles, W. G. L., L'Ancien royaume du Congo des origines à la fin du XIXe siècle (Paris/Haag, 1968), esp. 42Google Scholar. As for Whydah and Allada, I have tried to substantiate this point in ‘Quelques reflexions …’, cited above.

³⁶ Landeroin, , ‘Du Tchad au Niger’, 503.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid. 496–7; Piault, , Histoire Mawri, 116–19.Google Scholar

³⁸ Landeroin, , ‘Du Tchad au Niger’, 458Google Scholar; Barth, Heinrich, Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa, I (New York, 1857, reprinted 1965), 336Google Scholar; Palmer, H. R., ‘History of Katsina’, J. Afr. Soc., XXVI (1927), 216–36 (217)Google Scholar; F. de F. Daniel, ‘The Regalia of Katsina, Northern Provinces, Nigeria’, ibid, xxxi (1932), 80–3.

³⁹ Hunwick, , ‘Hausaland’, 274Google Scholar; Smith, A., ‘Central Sudan’, 192Google Scholar. Fisher, (‘The eastern Maghrib and the Central Sudan’, 294Google Scholar) states that Korau ‘was apparently the founder of a new dynasty’ (my italics).

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⁴³ And reproduced in Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from the Official Reports of O. Temple, ed. by Temple, C. L. (second edition, Lagos, 1922; reprinted London, 1965), 472.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Nicolas, , Dynamique, 57, 159Google Scholar. Earlier studies referring to the position of the durbi in Maradi, include Landeroin, , ‘Du Tchad au Niger’, 467Google Scholar; Leroux, H., ‘Animisme et Islam dans la subdivision de Maradi (Niger)’, Bull. I.F.A.N., X (1948), 595–696.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, 472; Landeroin, ‘Du Tchad au Niger’, 458. According to other traditions however, there were two Koraus, the first being the founder of the new ‘dynasty’, the second being the first Muslim ruler of Katsina: cf. inter al. Palmer, , ‘Hist. Katsina’, 220.Google Scholar(But Palmer argues that both Koraus were Wangarawa.) For a discussion of this and related problems, cf. in particular Fisher, , ‘The eastern Maghrib and the Central Sudan’, 294–8Google Scholar; cf. also Smith, A., ‘Central Sudan’, 190–1, 196–8Google Scholar; Hunwick, , ‘Hausaland’, 274Google Scholar; Hogben, S. J. and Kirk-Greene, A. H. M., The Emirates of Northern Nigeria. A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions (London, 1966), 157–9.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ In an attempt to refute the viewpoint advanced in Sanneh, Lamin, ‘The Origins of Clericalism in West African Islam’, J. Afr. Hist., XVII, 1 (1976), 49–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵⁰ Although of course this ‘new’ community was also often organized along kinship principles. Cf. Levtzion, Nehemia, ‘Patterns of Islamization in West Africa’, in McCall, D. F. and Bennett, N. R. (eds.), Aspects of West African Islam (Boston University Papers on Africa, Boston, 1971), 31–9Google Scholar; Cohen, Abner, ‘Cultural strategies in the organization of trading diasporas’, in Meillassoux, Claude (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (London, 1971), 266–78Google Scholar; Sanneh, ‘Clericalism’.

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⁵² If so, one would have to explain away the fact that Leo refers to both Guangara/Vangara and Katsina. However, what Leo has to say about Katsina—where ‘tous les lieux habités … sont des hameaux composés de paillots tous de vilain aspect’ (477)—does not make very much sense. My personal guess is that Leo heard descriptions of Katsina before and after the advent of the Wangarawa/Katsina-Laka, but that he was led to believe that these descriptions referred to two different towns. This hypothesis is at odds with the one advanced by Lovejoy, Paul (‘The role of the Wangara’, 183Google Scholar), according to which Guangara/Vangara can be equated with Kebbi.

⁵³ I would like to add here that this was not the first time the Wangarawa embarked on such a course. Indeed, in Jenne the animistic ancestors of the Wangarawa had—some centuries earlier—established their overlordship over the autochthonous population, the Bozo, while recognizing the pre-eminence of the latter in the religious sphere: cf. Monteil, Charles, Une cité soudanaise: Djenné, métropole du delta central du Niger (Paris, 1932; reprinted 1971), 30–5Google Scholar. It should also be noted that Muslim clerics and traders often have a tendency to encroach upon the authority of the local animistic ruler, if that authority is relatively weak: examples of this are provided by Mercier, , ‘Les Pila-Pila’, 56Google Scholar; Trimingham, J. Spencer, A History of Islam in West Africa (London, 1962; reprinted 1963), 186–9Google Scholar; Arhin, Kwame, ‘Strangers and Hosts: A Study in the Political Organization and History of Atebubu Town’, Trans. Hist. Soc. Ghana, XII (1971), 63–82 (esp. 71–80)Google Scholar. See also Boutillier, Jean-Louis, ‘La cité marchande de Bouna dans l'ensemble économique Ouest-Africain pré-colonial’, in Meillassoux, C., The Development, 240–50.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ This is the essence of the theory developed by Palmer in ‘Hist. Katsina’.

⁵⁵ Ibid. 224; Fisher, , ‘The eastern Maghrib and the Central Sudan’, 294.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Levtzion, ‘Patterns’.

⁵⁷ Lovejoy, , ‘The role of the Wangara,’ 176–84.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid. 183.

⁵⁹ Oliver, R. and Fagan, B. M., Africa in the Iron Age, c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1400 (London, 1975), 178.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ M. Hiskett, one of the leading authorities on the sources for Hausa history, has argued that this chronicle ‘represents a very old tradition … which can be shown by external evidence to be remarkably truthful’. Cf. his ‘The historical background,’ 18.

⁶¹ ‘Kano Chronicle’, 109.

⁶² Ibid.

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⁶⁴ I have relied upon the French translation of Ibn Battuta's travels by Defrémery, C. and Sanguinetti, R. (first published in 1854 and reprinted in 1968), 441.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Henri Lhote has argued that salt, not copper, was exported from Takedda: cf. his ‘Recherches sur Takedda, ville décrite par le voyageur arabe Ibn Battouta et située en Aïr’, Bull. I.F.A.N., xxiv, 3 (1972), 429–70Google Scholar. Merrick Posnansky and Roderick McIntosh on the other hand, have suggested that the artisans of Takedda ‘worked imported metal’: cf. their ‘New Radiocarbon dates from Northern and Western Africa’, J. Afr. Hist., xvii, 2 (1976), 161–95 (183).Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ After all, the trading route between these two regions was already well established in Ibn Battuta's time. Furthermore, the evidence available concerning the history of the kingdom of Takedda can be interpreted as indicating that these relations had indeed been established at a rather early date: cf. Bernus and Gouletquer, ‘Du Cuivre au sel’; Lhote, H., ‘Recherches sur Takedda’Google Scholar; Bernus, Suzanne, ‘Recherches sur les centres urbains d'Agadèz et d'In Gall’, Revue de l'Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée, II (1972), 51–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Edmond, and Bernus, Suzanne, Du sel et des dattes: Introduction à l'étude de la communauté d'In Gall et de Tegidda-n-tesemt (Niamey, 1974)Google Scholar; Norris, H. T., The Tuaregs (Warminster, 1975), 35–40Google Scholar. Possibly the process of ‘state-formation’ among the Songhay of the Middle Niger River valley was set in motion as a consequence of trade with Takedda.

⁷¹ This is, at least, not contradicted by the linguistic evidence presented by Neil Skinner, which indicates clearly that relations between the Mande and the Hausa must have been of considerable antiquity: cf. his paper ‘Lexical evidence on Manding—Hausa connections’, presented to the Conference on Manding Studies, S.O.A.S., London, 1972.

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⁷⁹ Ibid. 97–9.

⁸⁰ I am thus in agreement with M. G. Smith when he argues that ‘Barbushe exercized ritual jurisdiction and leadership in concert with other lineage heads’: cf. his ‘The beginnings of Hausa history, A.D. 1000–1500’, in Vansina, J., Mauny, R. and Thomas, L. V. (eds.), The Historian in Tropical Africa (London, 1964), 339–57 (342).Google Scholar

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⁸² Ibid. 100–2.

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⁸⁴ ‘Kano Chronicle’, 103–4.

⁸⁵ Ibid. 104–6.

⁸⁶ Ibid 107–8.

⁸⁷ Ibid. 111–12.

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¹¹⁰ No mention has been made in this article of the sixteenth-century Songhay conquest of Hausaland. This is because I believe—following Dr H. J. Fisher who proposes to substantiate the point in a forthcoming article—that this conquest never took place. One may also wonder how the Bayajida legend, also referred to as the legend of the Queen of Daura, fits into the hypotheses advanced above: in my opinion the answer is that this legend refers to an earlier (i.e. pre-thirteenth-century) stage in the evolution of Hausa society. (I hope to be able to develop this point further at some future occasion.)